The issues and image of Chiang Kai-shek and Taiwan in the US Congress: the role of a China lobbyist

Keyword(s):  
Open Theology ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 212-227
Author(s):  
Christopher Pramuk

Abstract During his address to the US Congress in 2015, Pope Francis lifted up the Trappist monk and famed spiritual writer Thomas Merton as one of four “great” Americans who “offer us a way of seeing and interpreting reality” that is life-giving and brings hope. Drawing from Merton and gesturing to Pope Francis’s 2015 encyclical Laudato Si’, the author explores the epistemological roots of the environmental crisis, arguing that while intellectual conversion to the crisis is crucial, Merton’s witness suggests a deeper kind of transformation is required. Reading Merton schools the imagination in the way of wisdom, or sapientia, a contemplative disposition that senses its kinship with Earth through the eyes of the heart, illuminating what Pope Francis has called “an integral ecology.” The author considers the impact of two major influences on Merton’s thought: the Russian Wisdom school of theology, or sophiology, and French theologian Jacques Ellul, whose 1964 book “The Technological Society” raises prescient questions about the role of technology in education and spiritual formation. Arguing that our present crisis is both technological and spiritual, epistemological and metaphysical, the author foregrounds Merton’s contributions to a sapiential theology and theopoetics while asking how the sciences and humanities might work together more intentionally toward the transformation of the personal and collective human heart.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus Müller

Much of the academic debate surrounding the War on Terror focuses on presidential power after 9/11. In this context, the role of the US Congress in directing the outcome of national security policies is often overlooked. This book illustrates how Congress played a key role in the War on Terror during Barack Obama’s presidency. Instead of arguing that Congress was a compliant bystander and incapable of making successful counterterrorism policy, the legislative branch did more than hand the president a blank check. In using an innovative data set on congressional debates and policymaking, the book shows that the interaction between congressional entrepreneurs and senior committee/party leaders determined the outcome of controversial policies, including drone warfare, Guantanamo and the NSA’s mass surveillance activities.


2011 ◽  
pp. 144-148
Author(s):  
Ivan McLaughlin

My project explores the extent to which the Vietnam legacy influenced US-Nicaraguan relations during the transition of power that took place in Nicaragua during James Earl Carter’s presidency. The Vietnam legacy is characterised by the increased influences of the US Congress, press, public and Latin America on US executive decisions. Understanding the role of the Vietnam legacy shows that the Carter administration had not regained the US’s ‘lost confidence.’ The US’s anxiety over Vietnam remained and left a void in the Western Hemisphere when Nicaragua needed guidance and assistance from the US during its political transition. On July 19, 1979, the forty-year old traditionally US backed dictatorship led by Anastasio Somoza Debayle was overthrown in Nicaragua by a coalition of Nicaraguans encompassing the business, academic, religious and working classes. Somoza’s opponents went on to create a new government for Nicaragua. Although they were initially euphoric in the aftermath of Somoza’s ...


Focaal ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 2005 (46) ◽  
pp. 67-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maya Ponte

Throughout the debate in the United States Congress over whether vaccines cause autism, legitimizing symbols that index cultural values have played a prominent role in the establishment of credibility. While both sides sanctify the role of science in producing credibility, they draw on different images of what science is and where its legitimacy stems from. Those who favor the vaccine hypothesis frame science as a populist endeavor, the results of which are open to critique by all. Those against the vaccine hypothesis frame science as an elitist endeavor, the results of which may only be critiqued by fellow scientists. While both of these images derive their significance from the cultural history of the United States, they have a markedly different impact on the interpretation of evidence. From within the populist frame, personal experience and direct observation are highly valued. From within the elitist frame, epidemiological evidence trumps personal experience. Due to the incorporation of dueling images of science, the US debate over autism may be viewed as a debate between rival cultural values.


Author(s):  
Ekaterina Nikolaevna Danilova

The article analyzes the level of influence of Ukraine caucuses in the U.S. House of Representatives and Senate on the U.S. foreign-policy decision-making in relation to Ukraine in 1997 - 2021. To fully understand the role of caucuses in law making, the author describes their typology used by the Congressional Research Service, and analyzes their structure, purposes and main directions of activity. The research is based on the analysis of legislative documents of the U.S. Congress, based on which the author describes the activity of Ukraine caucuses, and on the systematization of annual financial reports of the U.S. Department of Justice, which help to define the key directions of Ukraine lobbying. The comparative analysis of the work of Ukraine caucuses and lobbyists helps to define their common interests and points of difference. The topicality of the research is determined by the international context after the Revolution of Dignity, and the threats and tensity which regularly appear due to the unstable situation in Ukraine. The author concludes that Ukraine caucuses in the U.S. Congress, especially the Senate Ukraine Caucus, are the U.S. political tool for defending its national interests in Eastern Europe manifesting itself in the promotion of democracy, and basically used for solving military problems. 


2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-127
Author(s):  

AbstractThe metaphor of the two-level game has been used to describe the process whereby political leaders find themselves negotiating simultaneously at the domestic and international tables when trying to reach international cooperative agreements. This article examines the role of domestic politics in the US debate over trade policy in recent years. Specifically, the article analyzes the bargaining between the Clinton administration and the US Congress over the appropriate role for labor (and environmental) issues in trade negotiations in the context of the debate over so-called ``fast-track'' negotiating authority. The article then goes on to analyze how the domestic politics of this issue could affect an international negotiation over worker rights in the World Trade Organization.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 053-080
Author(s):  
傅玫玲 傅玫玲

<p>由於對合格司法通譯需求增加,美國國會於1978年通過「法庭通譯員法案」 (The Court Interpreters Act),其訓練和遴選方式廣受國際認同與仿效。該法中法院通譯除通譯角色外,認證資格者亦具專家證人(臺灣鑑定人)資格,兩種角色於司法程序中功能不同。臺灣刑事訴訟法鑑定人之規定,第211條規定:「本節之規定,於通譯準用之」,民事訴訟法亦有此規定。本研究聚焦在通譯專家在司法程序中之功能,先比較美國和臺灣專家證人和鑑定人的規定及制度,並以文獻分析法分析幾件美國案件,再以訪談法訪談法院通譯和律師,以探討目前實務誤譯情況、爭議譯文處理方式、專家通譯的功能和專家資格。</p> <p>&nbsp;</p><p>Due to an increasing need for qualified legal interpreters at the time, the US Congress passed the Court Interpreters Act in 1978, which has become a model for selecting and training court interpreters internationally. In the US legal system, certified court interpreters often serve as experts in legal proceedings apart from their roles as interpreters. Taiwan&rsquo;s code of criminal procedure stipulates that provisions in the expert section shall apply mutatis mutandis to interpreters. There are also similar regulations in the civil procedure code. This paper focuses on the role of interpreters as experts through comparing related regulations for experts as part of legal proceedings in the US and Taiwan. Adopting on document analysis method and reviewing some U.S. cases, this paper seeks to utilize in-depth interviews with court interpreters and lawyers to discuss mistranslation in legal proceedings, translation dispute resolutions, functions and qualifications of expert interpreters in Taiwan&rsquo;s legal system</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>


The Forum ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Malbin ◽  
Michael Parrott

Abstract Political campaigns have long been financed by people with well above average incomes, but the balance has tilted dramatically since the Supreme Court’s 2010 decision in Citizens United v. FEC. A number of jurisdictions have been looking to rebalance the incentives through new (or updated) public financing programs. Much of the discussion about their potential effects, however, has been sweepingly generic. But we know that these programs do differ from each other and have good reason to expect that “success” or “failure” will depend both on their goals and the programs’ details. This article focuses on one type of program that has become a model in recent years. Until recently New York City was the only jurisdiction with a multiple matching system explicitly designed to increase the role of small donors.Previous studies noted apparent successes, but it has been difficult to feel comfortable with only one jurisdiction to test. After Los Angeles revised its system in 2013, serious comparisons became possible. This article finds that New York City’s campaign finance matching fund program increased the number, proportional role, and diversity of small donors in city council elections but that the Los Angeles program was substantially less effective. The findings were confirmed through a difference-in-differences procedure that tested each city council over time against state legislative districts representing the same geographical space. A series of explanations relating to the programs’ details were tested, leading us to conclude that the policy details were affecting the results. The results were also different in both cities for mayoral and city council candidates. This suggests alterations may be needed if one were to consider the model for offices with larger constituencies, such as Governor or the US Congress. Finally, the article concludes with a discussion of major arguments for and against increasing small donor participation as a goal for public policy.


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