In France, Neighbours, dubbed as Les voisins, was launched by Antenne 2 in August 1989. Screened twice daily at 11:30 and 5:45, it secured ratings of 24 per cent of the market, in fact Antenne 2’s average for that year. However, for reasons which Antenne 2 is unwilling to disclose, the evening screening was shifted after only ten editions to 6:30. This put it up against stronger competition from others of the then five channels, and its rating dropped to just below 16 percent of market share. A further scheduling change briefly preceded its demise after a total of only seven months’ screening. The 185 episodes purchased only just included the debut of Kylie Minogue at episode 169. According to its French agent, Rolande Cousin, Antenne 2 bought Neighbours exclusively on the basis of its colossal British success (Cousin 1992), a phenomenon mentioned by all six articles heralding Neighbours’s arrival on French screens; its Australian success was referred to by four articles (Baron 1989; Brugière 1989; Lepetit 1989; Pélégrin 1989; Thomann 1989; and A.W. 1989). The Minogue factor also appears significant. Her singing career peaked in 1988–1989, and among the six articles she rated one cover story (Télé 7 jours), an exclusive interview and a cover story with Jason Donovan (in Télé poche), and two other references (Brugière 1989; and Thomann 1989). Cousin identifies five other potential appeals in the program for French viewers: its sun, its “acceptable exoticism,” its lack of blacks (a sensitive topic in France, as witness the racist political career of Jean-Marie Le Pen), its lack of other disturbing social material, and its everyday issues (Cousin 1992). For all this potential appeal, Antenne 2 still delayed transmitting by three months, pushing its opening into August, when most of France goes on holiday, and opted instead for the American Top Models (Baron 1989: 25). This lack of confidence in its purchase instances what Cousin called a “Pavlovian reflex” against non-US serial fiction (Cousin 1992), and points to broader issues than the fame of two of the program’s principals. The French commentaries differ noticeably from the American in their assessment of the ten textual features of Neighbours singled out above. One feature – women as doers – is not mentioned at all. All other features are mentioned at least once. The two most often referred to are the everyday, and the domestic and suburban. But Neighbours’s non-exceptionality, its everyday realism, had a different status for French than for American reviewers. For most of the latter it offered a desirable antidote to the spectacular confections of home-grown soaps. For French reviewers it was treated in one of two ways. While some derogated the program’s perceived banality (Brugière 1989; Pélégrin 1989), others, whether high(er) brow or plugging the Minogue factor, remained curiously non-committal about its everyday realism. There was a similarly curious abstention from either positive or negative evaluation of the program. Commentators’ apparent unease with this centrally distinguishing feature of Neighbours, its everyday realism, suggests that it represented something of a conundrum in the mediascape, in particular the field of television serial fiction screened in France, and may well echo the unease evidently felt by its buyer. The reasons require some clarification.

2002 ◽  
pp. 125-125

37). Indeed, rumour had it that one of them, En cas de bonheur, was nicknamed En cas de déprogrammation (In Case of Happiness/In Case of Cutting from the Schedules) (Pélégrin 1989: 37). The third and least powerful element in this force field is the British contribution to French TV serial fiction. As the French preference for the high(er) cultural mini-series might lead one to expect, British production is represented by BBC-style middle-brow costume dramas such as The Forsyte Saga, rather than by such soaps as Coronation Street or EastEnders, neither of which had been screened in France when Neighbours opened. This triangular force field of high-gloss prime-time American soaps and high(er) cultural French and British costume and psychological dramas afforded no familiar televisual footholds for a Neighbours. It landed in a limbo, possibly ahead of its time, but certainly lost in 1989. Whereas its register of the everyday proved readily assimilable to the British aesthetic discourse of social realism exemplified by such community-based soaps as Brookside, EastEnders, and even Coronation Street, such a discourse is in France found less in soaps than in quite another genre, the policier. Simultaneously, Neighbours fails to measure up to two key expectations of French television serial fiction: its psychological characterization with psychologically oriented mise-en-scène, and its polished, articulate dialog involving word-games and verbal topping (Bianchi 1990: 100–101). The second and third factors working against Neighbours’s French success are linguistic and to do with television imports. Both the unfamiliarities of the English language and of other Australian televisual product doubtless played their part in Neighbours’s failure in France. Linguistically, France is more chauvinist than such European countries as Holland, Belgium, and Germany, where Australian and British soap operas and mini-series are much more widely screened. And apart from short runs of Young Doctors, A Country Practice, and a few oddball exports, Australian televisual material is known best through the mini-series All the Rivers Run, The Thornbirds, and Return to Eden (which was successful enough on TF1 in 1989 for La Cinq to rescreen it in 1991). This is a far cry from the legion Australian soaps which paved the way for Neighbours in Britain. All in all, the prospects for Neighbours in France were not promising. In the event, as in the USA, it secured no opportunity to build up its audience. Antenne 2 declined to discuss the brevity of its run or its (too) frequent rescheduling. Catherine Humblot, Le Monde’s television commentator, sees a “French mania for change in television scheduling” as a widespread phenomenon: “if a programme has no immediate success, then they move it” (Humblot 1992). Rolande Cousin, the passionate advocate of Neighbours who had previously sold Santa Barbara and Dallas in France, adds that Antenne 2’s lack of confidence in the Australian soap may have been exacerbated by its employment policy of the time of offering golden handshakes to its experienced management and installing young blood. This would have arisen from Antenne 2’s difficulties finding adequate advertising revenue to support its

2002 ◽  
pp. 127-127

to less prosaic representations. That five of the commentaries are positive in their evaluation of Neighbours, two neutral, and only one negative suggests the broad potential acceptability of the program to the US market (only one publication, the Wall Street Journal, has the kind of highbrow readership which might encourage its television critics to sneer at popular material such as soaps). The two textual features of Neighbours which do draw comment – the everyday, and the domestic and suburban – point to a crucial first feature of the US “mediascape,” in particular its “soapscape,” namely the preference for the exceptional, the non-domestic, the non-suburban. In US soaps, it is well known, the pole of melodrama exercises greater attraction than the pole of realism (cf. Geraghty 1991: 25–38) – in contrast to Australian and British soaps. These two textual aspects of Neighbours are a central theme of the US commentaries, combining under the rubric of the non-exceptional, the “realistic.” All the commentaries bar the sole negative one (Kitman 1991: 23) refer positively to Neighbours’ “realism,” often in contradistinction to the perceived artificiality of US soaps. Peter Pinne, the program’s executive producer, is twice quoted to just this effect (Goodspeed 1991: 22; Mann 1991: 28), while USA Today (Roush 1991: 15) applauds “how close the residents of Ramsey Street seem to our own suburban counterparts,” and notes that “its casual gossip and unexceptional lifestyle [are] closer to the early days of Knots Landing than to any current soap.” The redoubtable Wall Street Journal does not sneer, but praises a television version of middle- and lower-class life that is at ease with itself and singularly lacking in . . . the self-consciousness and discomfort that attends American television’s efforts to portray uneducated white working-class types . . . . [Its] characters . . . ought to be more recognisable to Americans than the peculiar beings that inhabit the worlds of our home-grown TV dramas . . . . [They] actually converse with one another in the way that people do – without declaiming or the rat-a-tat of one-liners, or recitals of a position on the latest hot social theme. If the beat of their daily lives is unhysterical – quiet, in fact – it is also eventful. (Rabinowitz 1991: 17) The Wall Street Journal takes a refreshing distance from the infamous “Greed is good” dictum voiced in Oliver Stone’s film, Wall Street! Given Neighbours’s atypicality in the realm of US soaps, its American reference points are either Knots Landing – which one British journalist described as “the nearest the Americans can bear to get to a soap about ordinary people” (Kingsley 1989: 226) – or US sitcoms (Kelleher 1991: 36; Rabinowitz 1991: 17). Buyer and seller agreed that its non-exceptional “realism” was one reason for Neighbours’s failure in the US “soapscape.” KCOP described it as “less raunchy than US soap operas, too wholesome” (Moran 1992). Its seller, Bob Cristal, added that

2002 ◽  
pp. 119-119

2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 243-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annick Darioly ◽  
Ronald E. Riggio

This study examines how applicants who are relatives of the company’s executives are perceived when they are being considered for a leadership position. In a 2 (Family ties: with vs. without) × 2 (Applicant qualifications: well-qualified vs. underqualified) experimental design, 165 Swiss employees read the applicant’s job application and evaluated the hiring decision, the perceived competence, and the perceived career progress of the target employee. This research showed that even a well-qualified potential employee received a more negative evaluation if the candidate had family ties to the company. Despite their negative evaluation of potential nepotistic hires, the participants nevertheless believed that family ties would boost the career progress of an underqualified applicant. Limitations and implications are discussed.


GeroPsych ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 205-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn L. Ossenfort ◽  
Derek M. Isaacowitz

Abstract. Research on age differences in media usage has shown that older adults are more likely than younger adults to select positive emotional content. Research on emotional aging has examined whether older adults also seek out positivity in the everyday situations they choose, resulting so far in mixed results. We investigated the emotional choices of different age groups using video games as a more interactive type of affect-laden stimuli. Participants made multiple selections from a group of positive and negative games. Results showed that older adults selected the more positive games, but also reported feeling worse after playing them. Results supplement the literature on positivity in situation selection as well as on older adults’ interactive media preferences.


2004 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. M. W. Bos ◽  
◽  
F. van Balen ◽  
D. van den Boom

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