The First Years of Freedom: The Beginning of the Offensive against Official Ideology

2021 ◽  
pp. 177-183
Author(s):  
Dmitry Shlapentokh ◽  
Vladimir Shlapentokh
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-31
Author(s):  
Mira Markham

After the renewal of national independence in 1945 former anti-fascist partisans were among the Czechoslovak Communist Party's most reliable and radical allies. Nevertheless, following the communist coup of 1948, a group of partisans in the rural region of Moravian Wallachia began to mobilise wartime networks and tactics against the consolidating party dictatorship, establishing the Světlana resistance network. Simultaneously, state authorities also drew on partisan practices to reconstitute opposition and resistance in this region as evidence of an international conspiracy that could be understood and prosecuted within the framework of official ideology and propaganda. This article analyses the case of Světlana to examine the politics of people's democracy in Czechoslovakia and explore local dynamics of resistance and repression during the early years of the communist regime.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 101-109
Author(s):  
Dorota Jovanka Ćirlić-Mentzel

The world presented and not presented in the former Yugoslavia. Not everyone puts their eternal myths on banners in order to kill others. The question is how a nation transforms myths into art, and in particular into theatre. A sudden focus in the Yugoslavia, which no longer existed, on topics that used to be forbidden, was a natural reaction to the previous existence of taboo. When Poland was celebrating its accession to the European community, the citizens of Yugoslavia were experiencing the nightmare of war. Later, the transformation reached them as well. And with it came corruption, theft, gangsters and kitch-coloured life. The dissolution of Yugoslavia was overzealously supported by ideologues and politicians. The authors of the new generation, such as Biljana Srbljanović and Milena Marković Serbia, Ivana Sajko and Tena Štivičić Croatia, Dorutina Basha an Albanian from Kosovo, write about what people living in the former Yugoslavia lost irretrievably. And in this way they fight the servile function of art towards the official ideology. But does anyone want to hear what the theatre warns against? Transformation of the world is a political project, which always finds its place in the theatre, if only a group of people meet, sharing common beliefs and ideas and wishing to change the world. Someone said so once in the former Yugoslavia.Prikazan i neprikazan svet bivše Jugoslavije. Ne ispisuju svi svoje prastare mitove na barjacima kako bi ubijali druge. Ono što je bitno je kako svaki narod pretvara mitove u umetnost, a posebno u pozorište. Naglo okretanje prethodno zabranjenim temama bila je, u već nepostojećoj Jugoslaviji, prirodna reakcija na dotadašnje tabue. Dok se Poljska radovala zbog pridruženja ujedinjenoj Evropi, građani Jugoslavije doživljavali su košmar rata. Onda je i kod nijh stigla transformacija. A sa njom korupcija, lopovluk, gangsteri i kičasto-šareni život. Raspad Jugoslavije je postignut uz svesrdnu podršku ideologa i političara. O tome što su ljudi, koji su tamo živeli, nepovratno izgubili, pišu autori nove generacije kao što na primer Bilijana Srbljanović i Milena Marković Srbija, Ivana Sajko i Tena Štivičić Hrvatska, Dorutina Basha Albanka iz Kosowa. I na taj se način suprotstavljaju stavu da umetnost prati zvaničnu ideologiju. Ali da li iko želi da čuje na šta upozorava pozorište? Menjanje sveta je politički projekat koji će naći mesto u pozorištu kada se okupi grupa istomišljenika koji imaju volju da menjaju svet. Jednom je neko tako rekao u bivšoj Jugoslaviji.  


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 606-621 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sally N. Cummings

Many Lenin monuments remain in cities around the former Soviet republics and a few national or regional authorities have decreed it against the law to deface or remove them. The Lenin monument in Bishkek, capital city of the Kyrgyz Republic, is an example of both policies. On two main counts, however, the fate of this particular bronze statue of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin has been unusual. Only in the Kyrgyz case was the country's central Lenin monument left untouched for over a decade after the collapse of communism, a decree for its preservation as a national treasure being put in force as late as 2000. And, when, in 2003, the government after all decided to remove the monument, it was then relocated only some 100 yards from its original location. These twin issues of timing and new spatial framing offer a window on the relationship between state ideology and politics in the Kyrgyz Republic. I propose to use an official ideology approach to understand the Kyrgyz ruling elite's ideological relationship to the Lenin monument after the collapse of communism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 230 ◽  
pp. 399-419 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Repnikova

AbstractThis article examines the dynamic evolution of China's ideology work through the prism of journalism education. Official sensitivity about both student activism and the media makes journalism education a critical sector for observing how the Party attempts to instil ideology. The article interrogates the process of negotiation of official ideology among authorities, educators and students at elite journalism schools. It demonstrates that alongside state-sanctioned media commercialization and globalization, official influence still looms large in journalism training. Ideological teachings continue to occupy a core place in the curricula, and the authorities deploy a mix of structural oversight, ad hoc surveillance and coercion to keep the educators in check. The effects of the official ideology work, however, are ambivalent, as educators and students engage in the active reinterpretation of the Party's media principles. While these practices do not directly undermine the Party's legitimacy, they demonstrate that official ideology has merely constructed what Yurchak terms a “hegemony of form,” highlighting a degree of vulnerability in China's mode of adaptive authoritarianism.


Pragmatics ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 463-488
Author(s):  
Zhengrui Han ◽  
Vijay K. Bhatia ◽  
Yunfeng Ge

Abstract As Chinese legal system follows a statutory tradition, the writing of Chinese judicial opinions is normally considered as an invariant sequential process of stating the law, presenting the fact, and finally providing the conclusion. The official ideology is further reinforced by the fact that Chinese judges need to follow various authoritative writing guidelines and templates prescribed by the official bodies of legal profession. This paper examines to what extent this ideology is a trustworthy description, and to what extent it is only an imagined myth related to the rhetorical practices of Chinese legal profession. Theoretical constructs employed in the study are genre, text type, and rhetorical modes, and analytical data include exemplar judicial opinions, intertextual legislative documents, and insiders’ accounts. According to the research findings, while the official ideology remains a strong shaping force in the composing of Chinese judicial opinions, Chinese judges do take compelling moves to add dialogic elements to the traditionally monologue-dominated discursive sphere of legal writing.


2008 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-113
Author(s):  
Amr G. E. Sabet

This book deals with the April 2003 American invasion and occupation ofIraq. Its title comes from the code name of the military operation designedto drive toward Baghdad. The code name, in turn, was inspired by GeneralGeorge Patton’s 1944 military operation Cobra, during which the Allied forces broke out from Normandy to liberate France – hence Cobra II.Written in a journalistic and investigative style, it chronicles the developmentsand events leading to the Bush administration’s decision to attackIraq. Described as a war of “choice” rather than of “necessity” (p. xxxi), itswiftly defeated the Iraqi army and toppled Saddam Hussein’s regime.However, it was a failure insofar as it generated a virulent insurgencythat the occupyingAmerican army could not suppress. This insurgency wasan unexpected by-product of the program of “transformation” espoused byformer Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. As part of President GeorgeW. Bush’s vision of overhauling theAmerican military, this programbecamea sort of “official ideology” (p. 8) and response to two main concerns: (1)the long time (six months) it took to plan and amassAmerican forces duringthe lead-up to the 1992 GulfWar that had reversed Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait(this length of time was considered to fall short of credible “superpower”projection), and (2) the American military’s ability to fight two major warssimultaneously, which came to be known as the “two-war doctrine” (pp. 5and 9). The problem with the second consideration was that it required largeground forces to implement the doctrine, at a time when the foreseen transformationsought to trim American forces in favor of high-tech space andprecision weapons ...


Author(s):  
André Steiner ◽  
Kirsten Petrak-Jones

This chapter provides a striking account of corruption in a state that saw itself as both free from corruption and as a clear exponent of the modern belief in the end of corruption; namely, the communist German Democratic Republic (GDR). It discusses the official ideology and the anticorruption laws that were in place but also three distinct types of corruption that were present in the GDR. Ultimately, the chapter shows how the image of anticorruption was maintained by, on the one hand, accommodating to certain privileges and overlooking the clear misconduct of a part of the communist elite and, on the other hand, by concealment of the actual evidence of corruption.


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