The refugee crisis, non-citizens, border politics and education

2020 ◽  
pp. 195-206
Author(s):  
Jessica Gerrard
Author(s):  
Nadim Mirshak

This chapter starts by providing an overview of education in the Middle East and North Africa. Taking Egypt as its main case study, it argues that despite the increasing investments and growth in educational access and attainment, the region still faces endemic problems. These include poor-quality education, the mismatch of skills and labor market requirements, poor teacher conditions, persistent social and economic inequalities, authoritarian and violent education, and challenges specific to the ongoing conflicts and refugee crisis. The chapter then critically analyzes two of the most cited reform recommendations, namely developing education systems conducive to the requirements of the global market and the private sector and the expansion of educational technology. The chapter concludes by arguing for adopting a political sociological outlook that considers power, politics, and education to be inherently intertwined. Only then could one properly envision alternatives to transform education in the region.


Author(s):  
Martin Sökefeld

The article historicizes the German ‘refugee crisis’ of 2015 in the context of post-World War II politics of migration and asylum in the country, focusing particularly on the reactions to the ‘crisis’ of 1992. That time, government reacted to more than 400,000 refugees from the Balkan wars with severe restrictions of the right to asylum, framed also within the ‘Dublin Regulation’ of the European Union. It is argued that German politics of immigration was mostly a kind of Realpolitik that subordinated humanitarian considerations to closed-border politics geared at keeping migrants out. Summer 2015, however, saw elements of humanitarianism in German refugee politics, understood, following Didier Fassin, as the introduction of moral sentiments into politics. This ‘humanitarianism’ was mostly accredited to Chancellor Angela Merkel. Yet the commitment of thousands of members of the German public ensured the sustainability of a ‘welcome culture’ intended to accommodate refugees, government politics quickly reverted to new restrictions that keep immigrants for many months or even years in a limbo of waiting. While to some extent government’s humanitarian discourse continues it becomes apparent that humanitarian politics is often a cover up for ulterior political motives. It is concluded that marking the events of 2015 as a refugee crisis enables in the first place the legitimization of politics of restriction like the externalization of EU borders into North African countries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 194-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Western

This article puts sound at the center of migration. Auditory cultures develop in displacement, while sounds are enrolled in regimes of citizenship, playing a key—but unheard—role in debates about freedom of movement. These ideas are presented through research in Athens, Greece, where people assert sonic belonging in the face of denied asylum, racialized persecution, and EU border politics that play out in urban space. I argue for listening with displacement. Such practices can amplify the creativities of people crossing borders, disrupt normative narratives that present migration as a problem, and challenge representational practices that reify ideas of “refugee crisis.” Migration is a sonic process. Sounds are always moving, and can help us rethink society itself through movement.


Design Issues ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 20-32
Author(s):  
Mahmoud Keshavarz

Based on a critical analysis of the two notions of “crisis” and “compassion,” this article outlines and problematizes the increasing engagement of design practices with refugees and vulnerable communities on the move. By contextualizing different historical and contemporary humanitarian design examples in an analysis of current European border politics, the article questions the ways in which designing in the aftermath of the so-called “refugee crisis” has been mobilized without due consideration of what types of politics it produces and what types of politics it eventually ignores. It suggests that designers instead need to develop a more political understanding of the current border regime that produces and regulates refugees, asylum seekers, and undocumented migrants worldwide and to think of practices that support the struggles of racialized people on the move in transgressing and questioning the borders.


2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 41-49
Author(s):  
Orquidea Morales

In 2013, the Walt Disney Company submitted an application to trademark “Día de los muertos” (Day of the Dead) as they prepared to launch a holiday themed movie. Almost immediately after this became public Disney faced such strong criticism and backlash they withdrew their petition. By October of 2017 Disney/Pixar released the animated film Coco. Audiences in Mexico and the U.S. praised it's accurate and authentic representation of the celebration of Day of the Dead. In this essay, I argue that despite its generic framing, Coco mobilizes many elements of horror in its account of Miguel's trespassing into the forbidden space of the dead and his transformation into a liminal figure, both dead and alive. Specifically, with its horror so deftly deployed through tropes and images of borders, whether between life and death or the United States and Mexico, Coco falls within a new genre, the border horror film.


Hypatia ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 114-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melissa Wright
Keyword(s):  

2017 ◽  
pp. 82-107
Author(s):  
Michał Skorzycki

The article comprises the overview of the essential legal, administrative and financial means that the EU has at its disposal in case of rapid influx of immigrants, as well as a selection of major obstacles to the use of these tools, based on observation of the activities of the EU and its member states taken up to deal with the aforementioned situation which took place in 2015. Using the abovementioned observation and an analysis of relevant documents, it is argued that the refugee crisis of 2015 has revealed the necessity of a profound institutionalisation of the European immigration policy as the most effective way to overcome difficulties in response to such situations. The analysis leads also to the conclusion that the EU is caught in a dilemma of either suspending the Dublin system in crisis situations or creating a new system of intensive support for border member states.


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