Foreign policy of the State of Israel

Author(s):  
Karolina Zielińska
POLITEA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Gustri Eni Putri

<p><strong> </strong></p><p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-GB">This study aims to explain how the implications of the peace agreement as Israel's strategy in reducing the Hamas intifadah action. The discussion in this study is limited to the peace agreement between Israel and the PLO known as the 1993 Declaration of Principles and the intifadah movement in 1987. This research is a qualitative study with a literature study through books, journals, and articles. This study is based on thinking which explains that as a rational actor, the state in taking foreign policy always calculates the cost and benefit. In its foreign policy, the ruling government uses the "optimization of results" criteria. Or in other words, Israel's foreign policy focuses on emphasizing the country's national interests. This rationale influenced Israel's foreign policy, which was to accept a peace agreement with the PLO to reduce the intifadah movement carried out by Hamas. And this policy provides optimal results for the state of Israel.</span></p>


Worldview ◽  
1974 ◽  
Vol 17 (6) ◽  
pp. 15-19
Author(s):  
Robert Gordis

The existence—and persistence—of the State of Israel continues to be a stumbling block, if not a scandal, for many Christian religious leaders. What is most remarkable and distressing is that the inability to understand the rationale of Zionism and the State of Israel is more prevalent among many Protestant “liberals” in theology, who might have been expected to have less dogmatic problems, than among Protestant “conservatives.” As for the Roman Catholic Church, the longstanding opposition of the papacy to Jewish aspirations and rights in the Holy Land and in Jerusalem has long been a staple of Catholic foreign policy, both because of ancient theological prejudices and contemporary political considerations.


2013 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 462-478
Author(s):  
Miroljub Jevtic

One of the most important phenomena in US politics is Christian Zionism. The term Christian Zionism is related to unity of a large part of Protestant beliefs and the Zionists movement. The religious motives of US Protestants have coincided with the Jewish intention to go back to Palestine. In this way, Protestant religious motives could only be achieved by using political pressure on the US government. The goal of this pressure is to turn the foreign policy of Washington into a struggle for reconstruction and maintenance of the state of Israel. That is why many people wrongly believe that the US policy in Middle East is a product of the Jewish lobby. However, the US foreign policy in Middle East is a product of religious beliefs of Christian Zionists and the Jewish lobby is just using this fact for its own purposes.


Author(s):  
Daniel G. Hummel

Religion has played a constant role in the United States–Israel relationship. Christian and Jewish interests have shaped U.S. foreign policy, especially after the rise of the Zionist movement in the late 19th century and the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948. The role of religion Israel has historically depended on three interlinking factors: the influence of domestic political considerations in the calculations of American policymakers, the prominence of the Middle East in U.S. diplomatic and strategic thinking, and the beliefs and attitudes of individual policymakers, both their own religious convictions and their assessment of how important religious beliefs are to the American people. Religion has alternately strengthened and strained the U.S. relationship with the Zionist movement and the state of Israel. At some moments, such as the 1930s, religious attitudes and prejudices worked against closer cooperation. At other times, such as the Israeli–Egyptian peace summit of 1978, religious forces played a prominent role. As a state with special religious significance for many Americans, Israel provides a window into how religion functions in U.S. foreign policy, how its function has changed over time, and how religion has acted as an independent variable in political and policy outcomes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-115
Author(s):  
Jacob Abadi

This article provides an analysis of the course of Israeli-Lebanese relations and its purpose is to shed light on the contacts between the Maronites in Lebanon and the State of Israel. It argues that the primary reason for the Maronites’ willingness to cooperate with the Jews was the fear that the rising tide of Arab nationalism in Lebanon would have adverse effects on their survival as a religious minority. Moreover, it demonstrates that these contacts laid the background for cooperation between the two communities which survived the vicissitudes of the Lebanese civil wars and still plays a role in Israeli foreign policy.


1989 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 16-28
Author(s):  
Jerome M. Segal
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quraysha Bibi Ismail Sooliman

This paper considers the effect of violence on the emotions of IS fighters and the resultant consequences of those emotions as a factor in their choice to use violence. By interrogating the human aspect of the fighters, I am focusing not on religion but on human agency as a factor in the violence. In this regard, this paper is about reorienting the question about the violence of IS not as “religious” violence but as a response to how these fighters perceive what is happening to them and their homeland. It is about politicising the political, about the violence of the state and its coalition of killing as opposed to a consistent effort to frame the violence into an explanation of “extremist religious ideology.” This shift in analysis is significant because of the increasing harm that is caused by the rise in Islamophobia where all Muslims are considered “radical” and are dehumanised. This is by no means a new project; rather it reflects the ongoing project of distortion of and animosity toward Islam, the suspension of ethics and the naturalisation of war. It is about an advocacy for war by hegemonic powers and (puppet regimes) states against racialised groups in the name of defending liberal values. Furthermore, the myth of religious violence has served to advance the goals of power which have been used in domestic and foreign policy to marginalise and dehumanise Muslims and to portray the violence of the secular state as a justified intervention in order to protect Western civilisation and the secular subject.


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