The Conservative Government 1990–1997

2021 ◽  
pp. 28-60
Author(s):  
Roy D. King ◽  
Lucy Willmott
Keyword(s):  
Conservative Government

Unemployment

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Tomlinson
Keyword(s):  
Full Employment ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Employment Policy ◽  
Conservative Government

This chapter examines the underpinnings of full employment policy, and the popular understandings of economic life that went along with it. It examines how and why the defeat of unemployment achieved such importance, and how the policy was understood and represented from the 1940s onwards. Next it looks at the tensions surrounding this policy aim from the 1970s, and how it unravelled in the 1980s. The downgrading of the significance given to full employment was accomplished by a variety of strategies to reshape understanding, from the questioning of the ‘reality’ behind official enumeration of unemployment in the early 1970s through to the revival of ‘scrounger’ narratives. It looks at how the Conservative government after 1979 reacted to the surge in unemployment, and how they tried to establish a new popular understanding of the causes of job losses.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aled Davies
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Financial Centre ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
The Social ◽  
Post War ◽  
City Of London ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City

This book is a study of the political economy of Britain’s chief financial centre, the City of London, in the two decades prior to the election of Margaret Thatcher’s first Conservative government in 1979. The primary purpose of the book is to evaluate the relationship between the financial sector based in the City, and the economic strategy of social democracy in post-war Britain. In particular, it focuses on how the financial system related to the social democratic pursuit of national industrial development and modernization, and on how the norms of social democratic economic policy were challenged by a variety of fundamental changes to the City that took place during the period....

Women's Bodies Between National Hospitality and Domestic Biopolitics

Paragraph ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROSALYN DIPROSE
Keyword(s):  
Government Regulation ◽  
Human Condition ◽  
The Body ◽  
Women's Bodies ◽  
Political Ontology ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Human Condition

This paper develops a political ontology of hospitality from the philosophies of Arendt, Derrida and Levinas, paying particular attention to the gendered, temporal, and corporeal dimensions of hospitality. Arendt's claim, that central to the human condition and democratic plurality is the welcome of ‘natality’ (innovation or the birth of the new), is used to argue that the more that this hospitality becomes conditional under conservative political forces, the more that the time that it takes is given by women without acknowledgement or support. Women's bodies are thus caught within the dual poles of conservative government: regulation of the unpredictable expressions of ‘natality’ in the ‘home’ and management of the uniformity and ‘security’ of the nation. The limitations in Arendt's political ontology of hospitality are addressed by adding consideration of the operation of biopolitics and of the body as bios.

scholarly journals The Vetting Epidemic in England and Wales

2017 ◽  
Vol 81 (6) ◽  
pp. 478-496
Author(s):  
Chris Baldwin
Keyword(s):  
Recruitment Process ◽  
Missed Opportunities ◽  
England And Wales ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
Vested Interests ◽  
The Media ◽  
Public Reaction ◽  
Key Events ◽  
Voluntary Organisations

This article charts the rise of criminal vetting by employers and voluntary organisations in England and Wales. It examines the historical roots of vetting and its progress from being initially a marginal concern for specialised groups to its position as an integral part of the recruitment process for over 3,000,000 people per annum by 2007. Critical exploration of this shift is provided—key events such as the conservative government consultation of the early 1990s and the incremental implementation of its recommendations are re-evaluated. This article identifies and examines the correlation between the media reporting of, and subsequent public reaction to, a series of high-profile child murders and the response of the legislature and the judiciary to these which lead ultimately to the development of a vetting epidemic in England and Wales by 2007. The role played in this development by vested interests, such as voluntary groups and employers, will be traced and critiqued, along with the missed opportunities for reform which might have prevented the epidemic’s spread.

Western Integration vs. Reunification? Analyzing the Polls of the 1950s

2007 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anja Kruke
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
International Politics ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Social Research ◽  
German State ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
German Question ◽  
The 1950S

From the beginning of the West German state, a lot of public opinion polling was done on the German question. The findings have been scrutinized carefully from the 1950s onward, but polls have always been taken at face value, as a mirror of society. In this analysis, polls are treated rather as an observation technique of empirical social research that composes a certain image of society and its public opinion. The entanglement of domestic and international politics is analyzed with respect to the use of surveys that were done around the two topics of Western integration and reunification that pinpoint the “functional entanglement” of domestic and international politics. The net of polling questions spun around these two terms constituted a complex setting for political actors. During the 1950s, surveys probed and ranked the fears and anxieties that characterized West Germans and helped to construct a certain kind of atmosphere that can be described as “Cold War angst.” These findings were taken as the basis for dealing with the dilemma of Germany caught between reunification and Western integration. The data and interpretations were converted into “security” as the overarching frame for international and domestic politics by the conservative government that lasted until the early 1960s.

scholarly journals De breuk van de 'daensistische' christendemocratie met het katholieke establishment en de 'katholieke' christendemocratie 1893-1914

2015 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 69-85
Author(s):  
Harry Van Velthoven
Keyword(s):  
Civil Liberty ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Power Relationships ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Christian Democracy ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
Deze Laatste ◽  
Political Program ◽  
Do So

Tussen 1884 en 1914 kende België homogeen katholieke regeringen. Wat veranderde de democratisering van het stemrecht in 1893 (algemeen meervoudig stemrecht voor mannen) en de invoering van de evenredige vertegenwoordiging in 1899 aan de machtsverhoudingen binnen de katholieke partij? De conservatieve kiesverenigingen werden toen extern met het socialisme en intern met een opstand van de middenklasse geconfronteerd. Katholieke subelites eisten namens een miljoen nieuwe kiezers de decratisering van de lijsten en de erkenning van deelgroepen op een gezamenlijke lijst. Dit vormt de bredere context ter verklaring van het vrij unieke parcours van de daensistische beweging. In welke mate slaagde de katholieke cijnselite erin haar politiek monopolie in de kiesverenigingen veilig te stellen en hoe deed ze dat? Hoe evolueerde de christendemocratie, die nog geen arbeidersbeweging was? Wat werd de aparte positie van de daensistische beweging en welke voorhoederol nam ze in?Parlementair mislukte de christendemocratische doorbraak in Vlaanderen. Zowel externe als interne oorzaken zorgden voor de genese van een ‘daensistische christendemocratie’ en haar ontwikkeling tot een zelfstandige partij, in tegenstelling tot een integrerende ‘katholieke christendemocratie’. Deze laatste zag haar linkerzijde verzwakt en werd een paternalistisch geleide organisatie. De daensistische beweging daarentegen radicaliseerde qua zelfdefiniëring en programmatische toenadering tot de linkerzijde op sociaal en politiek gebied. De kwestie van al dan niet kartelvorming met liberalen en socialisten tijdens verkiezingen zorgde echter voor een langdurige impasse. Naargelang de katholieke meerderheid in het parlement slonk, hoopten de daensisten scheidsrechter te kunnen worden. Tevergeefs. Wel kon de conservatieve regering vanaf 1907 de katholieke christendemocratie niet langer negeren, zodat haar boegfiguren minister werden. Hun opstelling verscherpte de confrontatie met de daensisten. De voorhoederol van die beweging bleek ook op een andere manier. Gezien het gebrek aan toegeeflijkheid bij de conservatieven en het episcopaat zouden zowel katholieke christendemocraten als katholieke flaminganten in het decennium voor 1914 hun burgerlijke vrijheid in politieke kwesties moeten inroepen en steun van de oppositie nodig hebben om een aantal cruciale eisen te forceren.________The Rupture of “Daensist” Christian-Demo-cracy from the Catholic Establishment and “Catholic” Christian Democracy, 1893-1914Between 1884 and 1914, Belgium had homogeneous Catholic governments. How did the democratisation of the suffrage in 1893 (general multiple suffrage for men) and the introduction of proportional representation in 1899 change power relationships within the Catholic Party? Conservative electoral associations were confronted externally with socialism and internally with a revolting middle class. In the name of a million new voters Catholic subelites demanded democratisation of electoral lists and the recognition of subgroups within a common list. This formed the broader context that explains the very unique trajectory of the Daensist Movement. To what extent did the Catholic censitary elite succeed in securing its political monopoly in electoral associations and how did it do so? How did Christian Democracy, which was not yet a workers’ movement, evolve? What were the particular positions of the Daensist Movement, and what role did they play in the vanguard?In Flanders, the Christian Democratic breakthrough failed in parliament. External as well as internal causes saw to the birth of a ‘Daensist Christian Democracy’ and its development toward an independent party, in contrast to the integration of the ‘Catholic Christian Democracy’. The latter saw its left wing weakened, and became a paternalistically-run organization. The Daensist Movement on the other hand radicalized its self-definition and political program towards the left parties. However, forming a coalition with Liberals and Socialists during elections caused a serious, long-lasting impasse. As the Catholic majority in Parliament shrank, the Daensists hoped to hold the balance of power – in vain. However, the conservative government could not, from 1907 onward, neglect Catholic Christian Democracy, so that leading personalities of the movement became ministers. Their accession to these positions and their political attitude sharpened the confrontation with the Daensists. The vanguard role of the Daensist movement appeared in another manner as well. Given the lack of permissiveness on the part of the conservatives as well as the episcopate, Catholic Christian Democrats and Catholic flamingants had to invoke their civil liberty in political questions, and needed support of the opposition in order to force a few crucial demands through.

scholarly journals TRANCE-GRESSION: TECHNOSHAMANISM, CONSERVATISM AND PAGAN POLITICS

2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-220
Author(s):  
David Green
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Environmental Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Order ◽  
Moral Panics ◽  
Especial Reference ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
Rave Culture ◽  
Spiritual Freedom

This article looks at the politics of successive Conservative governments in Britain in the 1980s and ‘90s through the lens of the increasing politicisation of Paganisms in that period. A wave of moral panics in the late ‘80’s and early ‘90s concerning marginal communities – such as Ravers, New Age travellers and anti-road protesters – and their ‘riotous assemblies’, culminated in the Conservative Government of John Major enacting The Criminal Justice and Public Order Act of 1994. This was seen by these communities as legislation against alternative lifestyles and, in some respects, an infringement of spiritual freedom. Using the case study of technoshamanism – a Pagan meeting of ‘rave’ culture and neo-shamanism – I wish to examine how the political and Pagan religious landscapes of ‘80s and ‘90s Britain intersected and led to politically engaged forms of Pagan practice often centred around grassroots lifestyle and environmental politics. This will be explored with especial reference to the politicisation of The Spiral Tribe, a technoshamanic collective of the early ‘90s, and their increasing involvement in resisting the 1994 Act and promotion of campaigns such as Reclaim the Streets.

scholarly journals Housing As Social Assistance

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shem Curtis
Keyword(s):  
Affordable Housing ◽  
Social Housing ◽  
Social Assistance ◽  
Third Sector ◽  
Housing Policies ◽  
Neoliberal Reform ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
Social Mix ◽  
The City ◽  
Policy Failures

<div>This Major Research Paper conducted analysis of social housing policies and regulations in Ontario from 1993 to present. It was done to unearth the dominant discourses that informed social housing policies. Through a review of the Literature, a broader perspective will be had on social housing as well as social assistance, of which is deeply intertwined with social housing. The lack of a national strategy on social housing has caused Toronto to adopt a more entrepreneurial approach to housing, using public private partnerships, social mix revitalization initiatives, and other market and third sector influenced development mechanisms.</div><div><br></div><div>Social policy has been neoliberalized in Ontario at least since the advent of the ‘Common Sense Revolution’ in 1995, when a Conservative government was elected on a platform of neoliberal reform. Since then social housing has not been given the priority it deserves even with the changing of government and promises to address the lack of affordable housing in Toronto. These findings highlight difficulties on the part of Toronto to develop new affordable housing at a time when the city continues to grow and demand for housing is increasing. The visibility of homelessness across the city suggest policy failures and a need to act, to address the problem of lack of affordable housing post haste.</div>

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