Shi’r

Author(s):  
Mark D. Luce

The journal, Shi’r (Poetry 1957–70) was established in Beirut by Yūsuf al-Khāl and the poet theorist Adunis to save poetry from politics. It emerged as a professional avant-garde monthly journal with a core group of young poets dedicated to poetry and poetic studies. The journal supported poetic experimentation. Shi’r advocated for the prose poem as a way to spark cultural change, believing that innovative efforts were necessary to intellectually modernize the Arab World. Shi’r rebelled against the ‘committed literature’ (al-adab al-multazim) movement of the 1950s and 1960s. The circle believed this to be ‘a prostitution of art’ to political causes and ideologies. Shi’r was perceived as a subversive cultural movement. It was banned in a number of countries, accused of supporting a culture war against Arab nationalism, and of being funded by the CIA and French intelligence, inter alia. Shi’r’s poets were more concerned with the post-colonial Arab ‘state of being’ than reforming or overthrowing states. The Shi’r poets adopted the concept of ru’iya or vision theorized in 1959 by Adunis (Ali Ahmad Said) who asserted that modern poetry possessed a mystical or intuitive knowledge that allowed the poet to see beyond. The intention was to liberate Arab consciousness and to liberate it from the qasidah using the Arabic language, to free one’s thinking.

Author(s):  
Elizabeth Holt

In the mid-19th century, the Arabic novel emerged as a genre in Ottoman Syria and khedival Egypt. While this emergence has often been narrated as a story of the rise of nation-states and the diffusion of the European novel, the genre’s history and ongoing topography cannot be recovered without indexing the importance of Arabic storytelling and Islamic empire, ethics, and aesthetics to its roots. As the Arabic periodicals of Beirut and the Nile Valley, and soon Tunis and Baghdad, serialized and debated the rise of the novel form from the 19th century onward, historical, romantic, and translated novels found an avid readership throughout the Arab world and its diaspora. Metaphors of the garden confronted the maritime span of European empire in the 19th-century rise of the novel form in Arabic, and the novel’s path would continue to oscillate between the local and the global. British, French, Spanish, and Italian empire and direct colonial rule left a lasting imprint on the landscape of the region, and so too the investment of Cold War powers in its pipelines, oil wells, and cultural battlefields. Whether embracing socialist realism or avant-garde experimentation, the Arabic novel serves as an ongoing register of the stories that can be told in cities, villages, and nations throughout the region—from the committed novels interrogating the years of anticolonial national struggles and Arab nationalism in the 1950s and 1960s, through the ongoing history of war, surveillance, exile, occupation, and resource extraction that dictates the subsequent terrain of narration. The Arabic novel bears, too, an indelible mark left by translators of Arabic tales—from 1001 Nights to Girls of Riyadh—on the stories the region’s novelists tell.


Author(s):  
I. Zhukovskyi

The article is dedicated to the influence of Sati’ al-Husri philosophical, political and scientific heritage on the formation of Arab Nationalism and Pan-Arabism movements. The author analyzed main Sati’ al-Husri’s works and noted direct citations and references to his ideology. As a synonym of the European word nation Sati’ al-Husri used Arabic term al-ummah. By this concept he understood common language, culture, believes, state, history and common hopes for the future. His theory of Arab nationalism was formed under the influence of European examples, primarily German and Polish national ideas. He was especially interested in the history of nations divided between several states. Thus, Arabs could claim their national identity without united Arab state. According to Sati’ al-Husri, Arab nation was formed even before the emergence of Islam and the main features of Arab national identity are Arabic language and common history. Even more, Sati’ al-Husri argued that religious ties are weaker than cultural ones, therefore Islam should not be a core of the Arab nationalism. Such approach allowed him to include non-Muslim Arabs into the Arab nation. In accordance with the theory of Sati’ al-Husri, Arab identity should be above personal liberty. Anyone should be ready to sacrifice himself for the benefit of national idea: “Patriotism and nationalism are above all”. Rejecting personal freedom, Sati’ al-Husri proposed to impose the Arab identity by force among Arabs with another identity – Syrian or Libyan etc. There should not be any other identity except of Arabian – as states Sati’ al-Husri. During the reign of Faisal I of Iraq Sati’ al-Husri was holding high offices in the ministry of education. His main goal was to educate patriotic and nationalist feelings among students in purpose of making them faithful to the idea of Arab unity. In conclusions the author states that nationalist ideas of Sati’ al-Husri were authoritarian and manipulative. Despite the long existence of separate Arab states, the idea of Arab unity still remains relevant.


1981 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 129-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samir Abu Absi

The conflict between traditional and Western values is the key to understanding official language policies as well as popular attitudes regarding language in the Arab world. Traditional values are associated with the Arabic language and Islam, the two major pillars of Arab nationalism. Western values represent colonialism and oppression on the one hand and modernity and technology on the other. The issues dominating language policy in the period following World War II, during which most Arab countries became independent, are treated by Altoma (1970). Since many of these issues continue to be the subject of discussion, I will limit my coverage to the literature which appeared since 1970.


Author(s):  
Jesse Ferris

This book draws on declassified documents from six countries and original material in Arabic, German, Hebrew, and Russian to present a new understanding of Egypt's disastrous five-year intervention in Yemen, which Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser later referred to as “my Vietnam.” The book argues that Nasser's attempt to export the Egyptian revolution to Yemen played a decisive role in destabilizing Egypt's relations with the Cold War powers, tarnishing its image in the Arab world, ruining its economy, and driving its rulers to instigate the fatal series of missteps that led to war with Israel in 1967. Viewing the Six Day War as an unintended consequence of the Saudi–Egyptian struggle over Yemen, the book demonstrates that the most important Cold War conflict in the Middle East was not the clash between Israel and its neighbors. It was the inter-Arab struggle between monarchies and republics over power and legitimacy. Egypt's defeat in the “Arab Cold War” set the stage for the rise of Saudi Arabia and political Islam. Bold and provocative, this book brings to life a critical phase in the modern history of the Middle East. Its compelling analysis of Egypt's fall from power in the 1960s offers new insights into the decline of Arab nationalism, exposing the deep historical roots of the Arab Spring of 2011.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob Høigilt

AbstractAdult comics are a new medium in the Arab world. This article is the first in-depth study of their emergence and role within Arab societies. Focused on Egypt, it shows how adult comics have boldly addressed political and social questions. Seeing them as part of a broader cultural efflorescence in Egypt, I argue that, against patriarchal authoritarianism, adult comics have expressed an alternative ideology of tolerance, civic rights and duties, individualism, creativity, and criticism of power. Specifically, they present a damning critique of Egypt's authoritarian order, as well as of the marginalization of women and broader gender dynamics in Egyptian society. Through frank humor, a playful style, and explicit graphics, they give voice to the concerns of young Egyptians. Connecting comics to other art forms such as music, graffiti, and political cartoons, I situate them within a critical cultural movement that came to the fore with the Egyptian uprising of 2011.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Zaenuri

AbstractThis paper aims to explain ta’rib which is a term from Arabic linguistics. In addition, this paper will also explain how the implications of learning about learning Arabic for non-Arabic learners. Ta'rib is the absorption of new words and terms from non-Arabic languages to Arabic by changing their pronunciation to follow patterns and rules in Arabic. Ta'rib can be done in two ways, first forming a new term to replace foreign terms, the two using foreign languages with Arabic patterns that are in accordance with the stipulated conditions. The implication ta’rib of learning Arabic for learners from outside the Arab world includes 1) giving mufradatfusha before the mufradat ‘amiyyah; 2) emphasize students to use Arabic fusha; 3) emphasize students to look for a translation in the dictionary before absorbing it directly; 4) introducing examples of foreign vocabulary that do not have equivalents in Arabic; 5) explain the provisions that apply to the owner ta’rib before Arabic language learning takes place; 6) emphasizes on students to pay attention to the rules of writing Latin letters that do not have equivalents in Arabic.


2001 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 179-182
Author(s):  
Donald Reid

Thirty years in the making, this ambitious book covers the first forty-threeyears of the life of Abd al-Rahman Azzam Pasha, the political activist andwriter who became the first secretary-general of the Arab League (1945-1952). Few biographies of public figures in the Arab world have treatedtheir subjects in comparable depth and detail. The Making of an EgyptianArab Nationalist is essential reading for anyone seriously interested in thecomplexities of evolving national and religious identities in 20th-century Egypt.Coury sets out to refute interpretations elaborated by such scholars asElie Kedourie, P. J. Vatikiotis, Nadav Safran, and Richard Mitchell thirtyor forty years ago. He argues that their works, reflecting the influence ofOrientalism, perpetuated false assumptions that Islam and Arab cultureharbored essentialist and atomistic tendencies toward extremism,irrationality, and violence. He maintains that in treating 20th-centuryEgypt, they set up a false dichotomy between a rational, western-inspiredterritorial patriotism and irrational, artificial pan- Arab and Islamicmovements. Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid's circle before World War I and theWafd Party in the interwar period represented the first school who opposedBritish imperialism but were eager to borrow western rationalism, science,secular liberalism, and democracy. In the 1930s this moderate patriotismbegan to give way before pan-Arab and Islamic movements tainted with theextremism, terrorism, and irrationality which the West has long attributedto Islam.Coury cites hopefully revisionist works by Rashid Khalidi, PhilipKhoury, Ernest Dawn, and Hassan Kayali but is dismayed that other recentstudies have perpetuated the old, hostile stereotypes. "Martin Kramer'sArab Awakening and Islamic Revival (1996)," he says, "reveals that eventhe old-fashioned Kedourie-style hysteria, compounded, as it sometimes is,by Zionist rage (Kramer refers to Edward Said as Columbia's 'part-timeprofessor of Palestine') is still alive and well . . . "Coury insists that Azzam's "Egyptian Arab nationalism" sprang from theperspectives, needs, and interests of an upper and middle bourgeoisiefacing specific challenges. The rank and file following came from a lower ...


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asil Qasim ◽  
Rashid Yahiaoui

The critical comparison of subtitling and dubbing has long been a subject of discussion by many researchers in the field of Audiovisual Translation. However, to the best of our knowledge, no study to investigate the role of subtitling and dubbing in vocabulary acquisition has been carried out in the Arab world. The aim of the present study is to measure the effect of Audiovisual Translation modalities, mainly subtitling and dubbing, in the acquisition of Arabic vocabulary in an Arabic as a foreign language class (AFL) carried out at Sultan Qaboos College for Teaching Arabic For Non-Native Speakers. In order to do this a couple of questions needed answers 1) Which modality (subtitling and/or dubbing) is more conducive to vocabulary acquisition in the Arabic language? And 2) Which modality is more efficient in the long-term memory retention of Arabic vocabulary? Thirty upper intermediate students participated in this case study, which involved them watching a four-minute clip of the American TV series Designated Survivor in three versions: (a) subtitled into Arabic, (b) dubbed into Arabic, and (c) dubbed and subtitled in Arabic. The results showed that all groups were able to acquire and retain second language (L2) vocabulary; however, the dubbing group achieved higher results in both the immediate post-test and the delayed post-test.


Author(s):  
Adeed Dawisha

This chapter examines Arab nationalism after the Six Day War of June 1967, which was a seminal event in Arab contemporary history. What the Six Day War did was to irretrievably rob Arab nationalism of the crucial element of unification. While Arabs—in whatever state they lived—continued to recognize their membership in the cultural space called “the Arab world,” a recognition shared by rulers and subjects alike, they no longer truly believed in the viability of organic political unity. The Six Day War had also cost Egypt dearly in life and material. Moreover, beyond these horrendous losses, the war was responsible for many domestic and economic maladies.


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