Political representation and democracy in the European Union

2015 ◽  
pp. 467-492
Author(s):  
Sandra Kröger
Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries ◽  
Sara B. Hobolt ◽  
Sven-Oliver Proksch ◽  
Jonathan B. Slapin

This chapter starts off with an overview of the institutions that decide how citizens cast ballots, firstly, in elections, and secondly, directly for policy. The former is related to electoral systems and the latter to direct democracy. The chapter considers the implications of these institutions for party systems and political representation from the view point of the principal–agent framework. There is a large variety of electoral systems used in Europe. Most elections are held using the system of proportional representation. However, there are important institutional differences that need to be remembered. The chapter then goes on to examine the effects of electoral systems on the party system. This is carried out with electoral change over time in mind. Finally, the chapter turns to direct democracy and analyses the use of referendums, specifically with regard to the question of the European Union (EU).


Author(s):  
M.V. Isobchuk

Regionalism’s studies in the context of current political events remain relevant for the academic field. However, most of these studies are focused on regionalism, concentrated within one territorial-administrative unit. At the same time, in the European space there is a phenomenon, when regionalism is dispersed over the territory of several regions. Examples of such a world are Transylvania, Silesia, the Basque Country, etc. However, today in political science there is no theoretical framework for such cases. This article offers a conceptualization of this phenomenon, which is proposed to be called supra-regionalism and a typology of supra-regionalisms in the modern world is proposed. Supra-regionalism is a political movement that has a territorial base in several administrative-territorial units, and converts aspects of regional identity (ethnic, economic, political, etc.) into political action, the goal of which is to achieve/preserve the special status of the regions it represents. In the course of the study, a number of criteria were proposed to assess the effectiveness of supra-regionalism. These include its entire integrity - that is, the uniformity of electoral support within the region, as well as the presence of mechanisms for interregional integration and representation of the supra-region. These parameters were developed based on the concept of multilevel control. Among these parameters: political representation of supra-regionalism, constitutional foundations of identity, non-electoral representation, special meetings, representation in Brussels, cross-border regions, participation in European projects. Based on a low-casus comparison of seven European supra-regionalisms, conclusions are drawn regarding the consistency of supra-regionalism in Europe at the moment. First of all, it should be noted that the main (and almost the only) mechanism for the integration of supra-regionalism is party organizations. In general, supra-regionalisms use other opportunities, including the opportunities provided by the European Union for joint representation and implementation of policy in the interests of the supra-region. Moreover, there is a tendency towards a more effective disappearance of supra-regionalisms in the European Union.


Transilvania ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 18-33
Author(s):  
Oana Băluță

Romania’s pre- and post-accession to the European Union revealed that gender equality had been considered a marginal domain of interest, with mandatory legislative and institutional changes that had to be put into practice given the acquis communautaire. The financial and economic crisis was an important setback, it deterred Romania from a progressive democratic road, and opened avenues for democratic backsliding. Important challenges were brought by the financial and economic crisis and later on by conservative political and civil society’s forces mobilizing against gender equality. During the last couple of years, we have also witnessed an intensification of mobilization against gender equality called anti-gender campaigns. The article is both descriptive and reflexive and analyzes the configuration of the anti-gender campaigns in Romania, identifies the themes that mobilized discourses and activities combating the so called `gender ideology` and identifies the main actors supporting these campaigns. The article highlights that the opposition against gender equality is not restricted to discourse or civic mobilization but has already entered the field of political representation.


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