scholarly journals SUPRA-REGIONALISM IN THE CONTEXT OF MULTI-LEVEL POLITICS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION

Author(s):  
M.V. Isobchuk

Regionalism’s studies in the context of current political events remain relevant for the academic field. However, most of these studies are focused on regionalism, concentrated within one territorial-administrative unit. At the same time, in the European space there is a phenomenon, when regionalism is dispersed over the territory of several regions. Examples of such a world are Transylvania, Silesia, the Basque Country, etc. However, today in political science there is no theoretical framework for such cases. This article offers a conceptualization of this phenomenon, which is proposed to be called supra-regionalism and a typology of supra-regionalisms in the modern world is proposed. Supra-regionalism is a political movement that has a territorial base in several administrative-territorial units, and converts aspects of regional identity (ethnic, economic, political, etc.) into political action, the goal of which is to achieve/preserve the special status of the regions it represents. In the course of the study, a number of criteria were proposed to assess the effectiveness of supra-regionalism. These include its entire integrity - that is, the uniformity of electoral support within the region, as well as the presence of mechanisms for interregional integration and representation of the supra-region. These parameters were developed based on the concept of multilevel control. Among these parameters: political representation of supra-regionalism, constitutional foundations of identity, non-electoral representation, special meetings, representation in Brussels, cross-border regions, participation in European projects. Based on a low-casus comparison of seven European supra-regionalisms, conclusions are drawn regarding the consistency of supra-regionalism in Europe at the moment. First of all, it should be noted that the main (and almost the only) mechanism for the integration of supra-regionalism is party organizations. In general, supra-regionalisms use other opportunities, including the opportunities provided by the European Union for joint representation and implementation of policy in the interests of the supra-region. Moreover, there is a tendency towards a more effective disappearance of supra-regionalisms in the European Union.

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 639-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Brigevich

The rise of “new regionalism” is one of the most salient features of the post-Cold War international order. Despite the resurgence of regionalism in Europe, little consensus exists on how regional identity impacts public opinion toward the European Union. To remedy this problem, this study examines the impact of three types of individual-level regional identity on support for integration: parochialism (exclusive regionalism), inclusive regionalism, and pseudo-exclusive regionalism. Contrary to scholarly expectations, the multilevel analysis reveals that inclusive regionalists are as equally Eurosceptic as parochial regionalists. In general, regional identity depresses support for integration unless it is expressly combined with a supranational identity. This finding holds true even in minority nations, where respondents are, on the whole, less Euro-friendly.


Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries ◽  
Sara B. Hobolt ◽  
Sven-Oliver Proksch ◽  
Jonathan B. Slapin

This chapter starts off with an overview of the institutions that decide how citizens cast ballots, firstly, in elections, and secondly, directly for policy. The former is related to electoral systems and the latter to direct democracy. The chapter considers the implications of these institutions for party systems and political representation from the view point of the principal–agent framework. There is a large variety of electoral systems used in Europe. Most elections are held using the system of proportional representation. However, there are important institutional differences that need to be remembered. The chapter then goes on to examine the effects of electoral systems on the party system. This is carried out with electoral change over time in mind. Finally, the chapter turns to direct democracy and analyses the use of referendums, specifically with regard to the question of the European Union (EU).


Author(s):  
Lisbeth Aggestam ◽  
Markus Johansson

Leadership in the European Union is an empirical phenomenon that has increasingly come to attract scholarly attention. While a call for leadership in the EU is often heard, not least in times of crisis, it is also accompanied with a general reluctance to centralize powers. This leadership paradox has historical roots and has resulted in a dispersed type of leadership governance at the EU level. Scholarly work varies from mainly descriptive accounts of leadership by particular individuals to more theory-testing approaches to leadership. The academic field of EU leadership studies contains variation along three primary dimensions: (1) how leadership is defined, (2) by which theories it is explained, and (3) through which empirical cases and approaches it is studied. First, there is a wide differentiation in the literature of how leadership is defined and approached as an object of study. Four leadership approaches can be distinguished in the literature, focusing on the role of individuals, an actor’s position, the process of leadership enactment, and the outcomes produced by leadership. Second, leadership in the EU has been theorized and explained in a variety of ways. Explaining leadership in the EU requires an understanding of what power resources different actors draw on, ranging from material to institutional and ideational powers. These sources often also translate into different types of leadership strategies. A substantial amount of research has departed from rational choice institutionalism, which highlights the importance of a formal position to exercise leadership. Sociological approaches have more recently attracted attention to conceptualize leadership as a social role based on the interaction between leaders and followers. Third, the empirical study of leadership in the EU encompasses a range of different approaches in terms of the type of actors studied, the issues covered, and the data and methods used. EU leadership studies include different types of leadership actors ranging from individuals to institutions, member states, and the EU itself as a global leadership actor. The empirical policy domains vary from issues relating to treaty amending processes, environment and climate policies, eurozone governance and crisis management, to foreign and security policy. Although comparative studies of leadership in the EU exist, the focus has predominantly been on single actors during particular policy processes. An increasing use of explicit comparative designs in the study of EU leadership could have the potential to further advance theory building in the scholarship of EU leadership.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monika Oberle ◽  
Johanna Leunig

Civics courses strive to promote students’ political competencies, which according to the model of Detjen et al. incorporate content knowledge, abilities to make political judgements and take political action, as well as motivational skills and attitudes. For achieving these goals, high hopes are placed on active learning tools such as political simulations. Looking at positive expectations generally placed on simulation games, they seem very suitable for addressing key problems of teaching about European Union identified earlier. However, simulation games have also been regarded as demanding and time-consuming, with the ‘fun-factor’ outweighing the ‘learning factor’. There is a profound lack of systematically won empirical evidence for such positive and negative expectations. This study addresses this research deficit, focusing on the effects of short European Union simulation games of the decision-making of the European Parliament on pupils and their political competence controlling for different background variables (e.g. gender, cultural capital, pre-knowledge, political interest). Data were collected from 2013 to 2016 in secondary schools of Lower Saxony and North Rhine-Westphalia (N = 308; average age = 16.75 years) using partly standardised questionnaires accompanied by interviews. The intervention study (pre–post design) focuses on the competency dimensions content knowledge, motivation (political interest, self-efficacy), volition (willingness to participate politically) and attitudes (e.g., perceived responsiveness of European Union and perceived relevance of European Union for everyday life).


2019 ◽  
pp. 507-519
Author(s):  
Serhii Pyrozhkov ◽  
Nazip Khamitov

The article deals with Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic geopolitical vector in a modern geopolitical situation. The authors argue that a link between national interests and geopolitical vector of a country as a civilizational subject determines its globalization strategy. The Euro-Atlantic geopolitical vector of Ukraine provides for geographical, geopolitical, civilizational interaction with the European and Euro-Atlantic community on the basis of partnership and national interests. The main criterion for the constructiveness of Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic vector is the strengthening and development of our country’s position as an international actor. The authors distinguish the two branches of Western civilization in the modern world: Euro- Atlantic and Eurasian. Ukraine lies on the border between the Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian branches of Western civilization. Ukraine’s ability to be a subject of history, have its own civilizational project and implement it depends on the ability to build productive relationships with these two branches. At the same time, there is a distinct historical timeliness of integration with the Euro-Atlantic civilizational community for the implementation of objectives and consolidation of values of Ukraine’s civilizational project, which requires an innovative development. Over the last hundred years, Ukraine has been predominantly engaged in the Eurasian civilizational community. To strengthen its position as an international actor, Ukraine has to overcome such asymmetry. That is why Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic vector is not limited to the membership in the European Union or NATO. It is a much more complex process of mental and civilizational transformation, which becomes a condition for ensuring the real sovereignty. Keywords: Euro-Atlantic vector of Ukraine, Western civilization, national interests, subject of history.


Author(s):  
Edisher Japharidze ◽  
Vazha Shubitidze

The European integration processes is not losing its topicality to this day. It still remains as the important political challenge of the 21st century in the geopolitical area of the modern world. In these processes Georgia is actively participating today too, as it is known an agreement of the association between Georgia and the European Union was signed in summer 2014. This fact was a landmark of the greatest historical importance for Georgian people. It means returning of the Georgian people to its initial homeland-Europe, which always struggled and strived for it. It must be noted that we are not entering the Europe with empty hands but are widely credited with the propaganda of European qualities and bringing them to Georgia. It is still not widely known to the general public that at the starting point of uniting the European Union (European Confederation) were standing famous Georgian scientists and public figures. M. Muskhelishvili and A. Nikuradze. While Robert Schuman and Jean Monnet talked about the idea of uniting Europe, M. Muskhelishvili and A. Nikuradze were publishing articles on the same subject in the leading newspapers and magazines and actively participated in the processes of creating the European Union.


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