scholarly journals Understanding of Mexican Migration to the United States: Rifts and Challenges

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rana Basam Khan ◽  
◽  
Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti ◽  
Ghulam Mustafa ◽  
◽  
...  

It has been decades since legislative issues have thought about social, defense, and compassionate issues of migration which has become a touchstone in U.S strategy discussion. Mexican migration to the U.S started in 1848. It has proceeded to the present with no critical interference, something that makes this work movement very particular as a basic segment of the American work advertise. Generally started with enormous development, driven by starvation, political problems, open doors in the U.S; that point eased back, tightened, or unexpectedly finished, from 1850 to 1882, similar to the case of the Chinese. The details show that Mexico is a key source of settlers in U.S and has long been a major source of enemy contact with refugees, but so many have been focusing on Mexico and not the other countries which have also become major sources of illegal immigrants. The United States and Mexico are bordered with California, San Diego, and Baja California, Tijuana, and the Pacific Ocean. The boundary stretches eastward to El Paso, Ciudad Juarez and Chihuahua, Texas, on the Rio Grande. From that point the border continues south-east along the Rio Grande River until the end of it in the Gulf of Mexico. Border stretching of over 1945 miles is insufficiently regulated. Only old solid markers, rusty safety clasp and spoiled dry fence posts can be found in many parts of the place, and the river Grande that over the centuries has continuously changed its course separating both nations. U.S endeavors to control passages and exit adequately have been focused principally along the most profoundly dealt transit courses driving to north. U.S. powerlessness to control all the Mexican boundary has proven that any Mexican involved in operating in the U.S seldom discovers that the frontier is an unlikely trap Through the span of the most recent 170 years, Mexican migrants have to a great extent worked in horticulture, farming, mining, and railroad development.

2002 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alejandro Grimson ◽  
Pablo Vila

This article is a critique of two different types of essentialisms that have gained widespread acceptance in places as distant as the U.S.-Mexico border and different Mercosur frontiers. Both essentialisms rely on metaphors that refer to the concept of "union," and put their emphasis on a variety of "sisterhood/brotherhood" tropes and, in particular, the "crossing" metaphor. This kind of stance tends to make invisible the social and cultural conflict that many times characterizes political frontiers. The article wants to reinstall this conflictive dimension. In that regard, we analyze two different case studies. The first is the history of a bridge constructed between Posadas, Argentina and Encarnación, Paraguay. The second is the community reaction toward an operation implemented by the Border Patrolin 1993 ("OperationBlockade") in a border that for many years was considered an exemplar of the "good neighbor relationships" between Mexico and the United States, the frontier between El Paso and Ciudad Juárez. Key Words: U.S.-Mexico border, Operation Blockade, Mercosur frontier, political frontier, Argentina, Paraguay, Mexico, United States, Posadas, El Paso , Encarnación, Ciudad Juárez, Border Patrol.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-190
Author(s):  
Benjamin W. Barrett ◽  
T. Elizabeth Durden

Data from 154 different Mexican communities, housed within the Mexican Migration Project (mmp), is used to explore the influence of U.S. assimilation on a Mexican migrant’s propensity to remit money back to Mexico. A migrant opening a U.S. bank account is employed as a proxy for assimilation. Sociodemographic, U.S. migration, and Mexican community control variables are included. It is found that a migrant opening a bank account during the last U.S. migration is associated with a reduced probability of remitting money back to Mexico, suggesting a shift in social and economic activity from Mexico to the U.S. for migrants abroad. Los datos de 154 comunidades mexicanas, agrupados en el Mexican Migration Project (mmp), se utilizan para explorar la influencia de la asimilación a Estados Unidos sobre los migrantes mexicanos, tomando en cuenta su propensión a enviar remesas de vuelta a México. La apertura de una cuenta bancaria en Estados Unidos por parte de un migrante se emplea como una forma subsidiaria de asimilación. Se incluyen variables sociodemográficas, de migración a Estados Unidos y de control de las comunidades mexicanas. Los hallazgos dicen que la apertura de una cuenta bancaria por parte de un migrante durante la última ola de migración a Estados Unidos se asocia a una menor probabilidad de enviar remesas de vuelta a México, lo cual sugiere un cambio en la actividad social y económica de México hacia Estados Unidos por parte de los migrantes en el extranjero.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-146
Author(s):  
Gerald Gray

I have been working as a psychotherapist and social worker with refugee survivors of torture since 1990. I am now involved at the Texas-Mexico border, drawn there by the torture of refugee families and their children who are disappeared under the U.S. Administration’s phrase, “family separation.” In the El Paso Sector, I collaborate with several clinical, legal, and investigative journalism organizations. We’ve read of the thousands of children and parents disappeared from one another at the border under that official phrase “family separation.”


Author(s):  
Adrián Félix

In the context of research on the “thickening” of borders, Specters of Belonging raises the related question: How does transnational citizenship thicken across the political life cycle of Mexican migrants? In addressing this question, this book resembles what any good migration corrido (ballad) does—narrate the thickening of transnational citizenship from beginning, middle, to end. Specifically, Specters of Belonging traces Mexican migrant transnationalism across the migrant political life cycle, beginning with the “political baptism” (i.e., naturalization in the United States) and ending with repatriation to México after death. In doing so, the book illustrates how Mexican migrants enunciate, enact, and embody transnational citizenship in constant dialectical contestation with the state and institutions of citizenship on both sides of the U.S.-México border. Drawing on political ethnographies of citizenship classrooms, the first chapter examines how Mexican migrants enunciate transnational citizenship as they navigate the naturalization process in the United States and grapple with the contradictions of U.S. citizenship and its script of singular political loyalty. The middle chapter deploys transnational ethnography to analyze how Mexican migrants enact transnational citizenship within the clientelistic orbit of the Mexican state, focusing on a group of returned migrant politicians and transnational activists. Last, the final chapter turns to how Mexican migrants embody transnational citizenship by tracing the cross-border practice of repatriating the bodies of deceased Mexican migrants from the United States to their communities of origin in rural México.


2010 ◽  
Vol 1278 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. E. Rendon ◽  
M. E. Lara ◽  
S. K. Rendon ◽  
M. Rendon ◽  
X. Li

AbstractConcrete biodeterioration is defined as the damage that the products of microorganism metabolism, in particular sulfuric acid, do to hardened concrete. In Canada and in the northern part of the United States, sewer failures from concrete biodeterioration are almost unknown. In the southern part of the United States and in Mexico, however, it is a serious and expensive problem in sewage collection systems, which rapidly deteriorate. Also, leaking sewage systems result in the loss of groundwater resources particularly important in this arid region. Almost every city in the Mexican-American border region, who's combined population is more than 15 million people, faces this problem. The U.S. cities have made some provision to face these infrastructure problems, but the Mexican cities have made less effort. We recommend here the Mexican norm (NMX-C-414-ONNCCE-2004) [1] to be reviewed, or at least that a warning be issued as a key measure to avoid concrete biodeterioration.


2017 ◽  
pp. 56-62
Author(s):  
Nadejda Kudeyarova

The debate over the Mexican migrants issue has been intensi ed by Donald Trump’s election. His harsh statements have provoked a discussion on the US policy for Mexico, as well as on the migration regulation in the United States. However, the mass migration of the last quarter of XX - beginning of XXI centuries may be also readily associated with the social and demographic processes developed in Mexico throughout the 20th century. The dynamics of migratory activity followed the demographic changes. The internal causes of the Mexican migration analysis will allow more clarity in understanding contemporary migration interaction between the two neighboring countries.


Blood ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 134 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 4782-4782
Author(s):  
Alfonso Enrique Bencomo ◽  
Andres J Rubio ◽  
Mayra Alejandra Gonzalez ◽  
Idaly Maria Olivas ◽  
Joshua Lara ◽  
...  

Introduction: Hispanics represent the largest minority group in the United States (U.S.), with 57.5 million individuals (18% of the population). Most U.S. Hispanics are of Mexican origin (63.2%), followed by Puerto Rican (9.5%), Cuban (3.9%), Salvadoran (3.8%), and Dominican (3.3%), but distribution varies by state. The majority of Hispanics in the U.S. reside in the Southwest region, and >11 million live in the state of Texas. Cancer is the leading cause of death in the Hispanic population, accounting for 21% of deaths in people of all ages. Health disparities for Hispanic cancer patients have previously been linked to disproportionate poverty and other barriers to optimal healthcare, and in the case of acute myeloid leukemia (AML) and acute lymphoblastic leukemia (ALL), Hispanics were found to be diagnosed younger and to have worse overall survival (OS) than Non-Hispanic whites (NHWs) (ACS. Cancer Facts & Figures for Hispanics/Latinos 2018-2020). However, little is known about incidence and survival for Hispanic blood cancer patients residing at the U.S./Mexico border. To understand the impact of Hispanic ethnicity on outcomes for blood cancer patients diagnosed in this area, we examined OS in adult patients with hematologic malignancies throughout the state of Texas compared to Texas Health Service Region (HSR) 10, encompassing El Paso County. Methods: We retrospectively reviewed data available from the Texas Cancer Registry for hematologic malignancies diagnosed in the state of Texas between 1995 and 2016, focusing our analysis on chronic and acute leukemias (both myeloid and lymphoid), myelodysplastic syndrome (MDS), and myeloproliferative neoplasms (MPNs). Survival for Hispanic and NHW groups was compared using the log-rank test, and Cox regression analyses adjusting for age and diagnosis. Differences in age at diagnosis were evaluated using t-tests and generalized linear models. Similar analyses compared Hispanic patients from HSR 10 versus Hispanic patients from the rest of Texas. Research was conducted according to a local Institutional Review Board-approved protocol in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki. Results: Of the 69,941 cases of hematologic malignancies with available information throughout the state of Texas, 18.29% self-identified as Hispanic. Surprisingly, in unadjusted analyses, Hispanic patients had significantly better OS than NHWs diagnosed with AML (p<0.0001), MDS (p<0.0001), and chronic myeloid leukemia (CML, p<0.0001), with no significant differences in OS for patients with ALL, MPN, acute promyelocytic leukemia (APL), or chronic lymphocytic leukemia (CLL). However, Hispanic patients were diagnosed at a significantly younger age in all diseases analyzed (Table 1), possibly explaining the improved survival. After adjusting for age, ALL (HR 1.32, p<.0001), CLL (HR 1.11, p=0.002), and CML (HR 1.15, p=0.008) showed significantly worse outcomes for Hispanics, with better outcomes in MDS (HR 0.92, p=0.0004), and no significant differences for AML, APL or MPN. Running the same analyses for the entire El Paso population versus the rest of Texas, we found no significant interaction except for a suggestion of a greater ethnic disparity in CML patients from El Paso (p=0.06). We also compared Hispanic patients diagnosed in El Paso versus Hispanics from the rest of Texas. Hispanics in El Paso had a significant reduction in OS compared to Hispanics in other areas of Texas for patients with ALL (p=0.0164), AML (p<0.0001), and CML (p=0.0160), but not for patients with APL, CLL, MDS, or MPN. Again the negative effects become less marked after adjustment for age, as those diagnosed in El Paso tended to be 3 years older at diagnosis than elsewhere in Texas. In analyses adjusted for age and diagnosis, there was again a suggestion that differences between El Paso and the rest of Texas were greater in Hispanics than NHW (p=0.08). Conclusions: While Hispanic patients with AML, MDS, and CML had significantly better OS compared to NHWs in Texas as a whole, this could be explained by a significant reduction in the age of diagnosis for Hispanics. However, when comparing across Texas, El Paso Hispanics with ALL, AML, and CML have a worse prognosis than in the rest of the state. There appears to be evidence that disparities in outcome by ethnicity may be different in El Paso compared with the rest of Texas. Further study is required to identify factors responsible for the disparity in OS. Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.


2022 ◽  
pp. 019791832110660
Author(s):  
Shelby O'Neill

As the H-2A visa program expands to become a core component of contemporary Mexican migration to the United States, questions emerge about the tradeoffs migrants face between temporary and undocumented statuses. This article employs propensity score matching of participants in the Mexican Migration Project—an extensive binational survey of Mexican migrants and their families—to compare economic and social outcomes of H-2A visa recipients vis-à-vis undocumented migrants. Findings indicate that although H-2A visas offer benefits like a lower cost of living while abroad, they do not produce a discernible effect on wages relative to wages earned by undocumented migrants. While H-2A migrants are more likely to work in the formal economy, they are also less likely to build social capital or language proficiency in the United States than undocumented migrants, indicating a degree of social isolation that can be exploited by employers. This comparison contributes to a growing literature on the proliferation of temporary migratory statuses and the marginality experienced by migrants within these statuses.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (29) ◽  
Author(s):  
David Gonzalez Hernandez

This article analyzes how television news has enhanced the role of representation of the United States-Mexico border in themes such as immigration, theme represented in “spectacular” ways related to “warfare”. Using textual analysis on TV reports, my aim is to show how local television network news in the United States (NBC) and Mexico (Televisa) construct the representation of the U.S./Mexico border through a particular conflicting vision to account for border enforcements and interventions on both sides and with similar visual strategies. The analysis centers on actual “visual text” or television news reports, which tries to demonstrates how assumptions guide the activity of local network coverage, and how, at the same time, limits what is reported in news. This consequently contributes to the perpetuation of a representation related to ¨crisis¨ in the border region.


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