scholarly journals Disappearing refugees inside the United States

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-146
Author(s):  
Gerald Gray

I have been working as a psychotherapist and social worker with refugee survivors of torture since 1990. I am now involved at the Texas-Mexico border, drawn there by the torture of refugee families and their children who are disappeared under the U.S. Administration’s phrase, “family separation.” In the El Paso Sector, I collaborate with several clinical, legal, and investigative journalism organizations. We’ve read of the thousands of children and parents disappeared from one another at the border under that official phrase “family separation.”

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rana Basam Khan ◽  
◽  
Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti ◽  
Ghulam Mustafa ◽  
◽  
...  

It has been decades since legislative issues have thought about social, defense, and compassionate issues of migration which has become a touchstone in U.S strategy discussion. Mexican migration to the U.S started in 1848. It has proceeded to the present with no critical interference, something that makes this work movement very particular as a basic segment of the American work advertise. Generally started with enormous development, driven by starvation, political problems, open doors in the U.S; that point eased back, tightened, or unexpectedly finished, from 1850 to 1882, similar to the case of the Chinese. The details show that Mexico is a key source of settlers in U.S and has long been a major source of enemy contact with refugees, but so many have been focusing on Mexico and not the other countries which have also become major sources of illegal immigrants. The United States and Mexico are bordered with California, San Diego, and Baja California, Tijuana, and the Pacific Ocean. The boundary stretches eastward to El Paso, Ciudad Juarez and Chihuahua, Texas, on the Rio Grande. From that point the border continues south-east along the Rio Grande River until the end of it in the Gulf of Mexico. Border stretching of over 1945 miles is insufficiently regulated. Only old solid markers, rusty safety clasp and spoiled dry fence posts can be found in many parts of the place, and the river Grande that over the centuries has continuously changed its course separating both nations. U.S endeavors to control passages and exit adequately have been focused principally along the most profoundly dealt transit courses driving to north. U.S. powerlessness to control all the Mexican boundary has proven that any Mexican involved in operating in the U.S seldom discovers that the frontier is an unlikely trap Through the span of the most recent 170 years, Mexican migrants have to a great extent worked in horticulture, farming, mining, and railroad development.


2002 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alejandro Grimson ◽  
Pablo Vila

This article is a critique of two different types of essentialisms that have gained widespread acceptance in places as distant as the U.S.-Mexico border and different Mercosur frontiers. Both essentialisms rely on metaphors that refer to the concept of "union," and put their emphasis on a variety of "sisterhood/brotherhood" tropes and, in particular, the "crossing" metaphor. This kind of stance tends to make invisible the social and cultural conflict that many times characterizes political frontiers. The article wants to reinstall this conflictive dimension. In that regard, we analyze two different case studies. The first is the history of a bridge constructed between Posadas, Argentina and Encarnación, Paraguay. The second is the community reaction toward an operation implemented by the Border Patrolin 1993 ("OperationBlockade") in a border that for many years was considered an exemplar of the "good neighbor relationships" between Mexico and the United States, the frontier between El Paso and Ciudad Juárez. Key Words: U.S.-Mexico border, Operation Blockade, Mercosur frontier, political frontier, Argentina, Paraguay, Mexico, United States, Posadas, El Paso , Encarnación, Ciudad Juárez, Border Patrol.


2010 ◽  
Vol 1278 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. E. Rendon ◽  
M. E. Lara ◽  
S. K. Rendon ◽  
M. Rendon ◽  
X. Li

AbstractConcrete biodeterioration is defined as the damage that the products of microorganism metabolism, in particular sulfuric acid, do to hardened concrete. In Canada and in the northern part of the United States, sewer failures from concrete biodeterioration are almost unknown. In the southern part of the United States and in Mexico, however, it is a serious and expensive problem in sewage collection systems, which rapidly deteriorate. Also, leaking sewage systems result in the loss of groundwater resources particularly important in this arid region. Almost every city in the Mexican-American border region, who's combined population is more than 15 million people, faces this problem. The U.S. cities have made some provision to face these infrastructure problems, but the Mexican cities have made less effort. We recommend here the Mexican norm (NMX-C-414-ONNCCE-2004) [1] to be reviewed, or at least that a warning be issued as a key measure to avoid concrete biodeterioration.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth ARANDA ◽  
Elizabeth VAQUERA

In 2018, President Trump changed a long-standing policy of keeping families who cross the United States border together; instead, he ordered that parents be detained separately from children, drawing a national outcry that led to his administration walking back the practice. Drawing on 50 in-depth interviews with undocumented young adults in the state of Florida, USA, we argue that the practice of family separation through immigration policy is not new. We illustrate how our sample’s undocumented status puts them at risk for family separation under the current ‘deportation regime’ that creates a heightened and all-encompassing fear about the possibility of family separation.


Blood ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 134 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 4782-4782
Author(s):  
Alfonso Enrique Bencomo ◽  
Andres J Rubio ◽  
Mayra Alejandra Gonzalez ◽  
Idaly Maria Olivas ◽  
Joshua Lara ◽  
...  

Introduction: Hispanics represent the largest minority group in the United States (U.S.), with 57.5 million individuals (18% of the population). Most U.S. Hispanics are of Mexican origin (63.2%), followed by Puerto Rican (9.5%), Cuban (3.9%), Salvadoran (3.8%), and Dominican (3.3%), but distribution varies by state. The majority of Hispanics in the U.S. reside in the Southwest region, and >11 million live in the state of Texas. Cancer is the leading cause of death in the Hispanic population, accounting for 21% of deaths in people of all ages. Health disparities for Hispanic cancer patients have previously been linked to disproportionate poverty and other barriers to optimal healthcare, and in the case of acute myeloid leukemia (AML) and acute lymphoblastic leukemia (ALL), Hispanics were found to be diagnosed younger and to have worse overall survival (OS) than Non-Hispanic whites (NHWs) (ACS. Cancer Facts & Figures for Hispanics/Latinos 2018-2020). However, little is known about incidence and survival for Hispanic blood cancer patients residing at the U.S./Mexico border. To understand the impact of Hispanic ethnicity on outcomes for blood cancer patients diagnosed in this area, we examined OS in adult patients with hematologic malignancies throughout the state of Texas compared to Texas Health Service Region (HSR) 10, encompassing El Paso County. Methods: We retrospectively reviewed data available from the Texas Cancer Registry for hematologic malignancies diagnosed in the state of Texas between 1995 and 2016, focusing our analysis on chronic and acute leukemias (both myeloid and lymphoid), myelodysplastic syndrome (MDS), and myeloproliferative neoplasms (MPNs). Survival for Hispanic and NHW groups was compared using the log-rank test, and Cox regression analyses adjusting for age and diagnosis. Differences in age at diagnosis were evaluated using t-tests and generalized linear models. Similar analyses compared Hispanic patients from HSR 10 versus Hispanic patients from the rest of Texas. Research was conducted according to a local Institutional Review Board-approved protocol in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki. Results: Of the 69,941 cases of hematologic malignancies with available information throughout the state of Texas, 18.29% self-identified as Hispanic. Surprisingly, in unadjusted analyses, Hispanic patients had significantly better OS than NHWs diagnosed with AML (p<0.0001), MDS (p<0.0001), and chronic myeloid leukemia (CML, p<0.0001), with no significant differences in OS for patients with ALL, MPN, acute promyelocytic leukemia (APL), or chronic lymphocytic leukemia (CLL). However, Hispanic patients were diagnosed at a significantly younger age in all diseases analyzed (Table 1), possibly explaining the improved survival. After adjusting for age, ALL (HR 1.32, p<.0001), CLL (HR 1.11, p=0.002), and CML (HR 1.15, p=0.008) showed significantly worse outcomes for Hispanics, with better outcomes in MDS (HR 0.92, p=0.0004), and no significant differences for AML, APL or MPN. Running the same analyses for the entire El Paso population versus the rest of Texas, we found no significant interaction except for a suggestion of a greater ethnic disparity in CML patients from El Paso (p=0.06). We also compared Hispanic patients diagnosed in El Paso versus Hispanics from the rest of Texas. Hispanics in El Paso had a significant reduction in OS compared to Hispanics in other areas of Texas for patients with ALL (p=0.0164), AML (p<0.0001), and CML (p=0.0160), but not for patients with APL, CLL, MDS, or MPN. Again the negative effects become less marked after adjustment for age, as those diagnosed in El Paso tended to be 3 years older at diagnosis than elsewhere in Texas. In analyses adjusted for age and diagnosis, there was again a suggestion that differences between El Paso and the rest of Texas were greater in Hispanics than NHW (p=0.08). Conclusions: While Hispanic patients with AML, MDS, and CML had significantly better OS compared to NHWs in Texas as a whole, this could be explained by a significant reduction in the age of diagnosis for Hispanics. However, when comparing across Texas, El Paso Hispanics with ALL, AML, and CML have a worse prognosis than in the rest of the state. There appears to be evidence that disparities in outcome by ethnicity may be different in El Paso compared with the rest of Texas. Further study is required to identify factors responsible for the disparity in OS. Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (29) ◽  
Author(s):  
David Gonzalez Hernandez

This article analyzes how television news has enhanced the role of representation of the United States-Mexico border in themes such as immigration, theme represented in “spectacular” ways related to “warfare”. Using textual analysis on TV reports, my aim is to show how local television network news in the United States (NBC) and Mexico (Televisa) construct the representation of the U.S./Mexico border through a particular conflicting vision to account for border enforcements and interventions on both sides and with similar visual strategies. The analysis centers on actual “visual text” or television news reports, which tries to demonstrates how assumptions guide the activity of local network coverage, and how, at the same time, limits what is reported in news. This consequently contributes to the perpetuation of a representation related to ¨crisis¨ in the border region.


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Ward ◽  
Daniel E Martinez

Recently scholars have turned their attention towards a growing anti-immigrant movement in the United States.  In particular, residents called ‘minutemen’ have garnered attention for their vigilante patrols of the U.S.-Mexico border. Yet, there remains an absence of rigorously collected data from the unauthorized migrants they target.  Filling this void, we draw on original survey data from wave 1 of the Migrant Border Crossing Study (MBCS) and address three questions: Among unauthorized repatriated migrants who have heard of minutemen, from where do they get their information? What qualities or characteristics do unauthorized repatriated migrants ascribe to minutemen? And, finally, how accurate are these perceptions?  In so doing, we detail the composition of unauthorized repatriated migrants’ knowledge networks and the role these played in diffusing knowledge about minutemen. Additionally, we illuminate disparities in the quality of the minuteman-related information these networks diffuse. We find that respondents relied heavily on media outlets in the United States and Mexico to obtain information about minutemen. Social networks and the crossing experience itself mattered to a much lesser extent. Interestingly, unauthorized repatriated migrants were mixed in their perceptions of exactly who minutemen were, and migrants varied greatly in their ability to accurately identify minutemen. We conclude with implications and directions for future research.


Author(s):  
C. J. Alvarez

The region that today constitutes the United States–Mexico borderland has evolved through various systems of occupation over thousands of years. Beginning in time immemorial, the land was used and inhabited by ancient peoples whose cultures we can only understand through the archeological record and the beliefs of their living descendants. Spain, then Mexico and the United States after it, attempted to control the borderlands but failed when confronted with indigenous power, at least until the late 19th century when American capital and police established firm dominance. Since then, borderland residents have often fiercely contested this supremacy at the local level, but the borderland has also, due to the primacy of business, expressed deep harmonies and cooperation between the U.S. and Mexican federal governments. It is a majority minority zone in the United States, populated largely by Mexican Americans. The border is both a porous membrane across which tremendous wealth passes and a territory of interdiction in which noncitizens and smugglers are subject to unusually concentrated police attention. All of this exists within a particularly harsh ecosystem characterized by extreme heat and scarce water.


Author(s):  
Luis Ramon Mireles

A number of trade agreements were adopted in the 1990s that promised economic growth for Mexico. The most significant was the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which promotes open trade between Mexico, the United States, and Canada. Like WTO, NAFTA focuses on the economic aspects of trade. Occupational safety and health issues were not specifically addressed by NAFTA. Despite the presence of domestic regulatory systems, concerns over working conditions persist on both sides of the U.S.-Mexico border and the workforces face similar health problems. The upsurge in trade between the United States and Mexico must be accompanied by an international commitment to occupational safety and health in border areas. If government agencies cannot or will not intervene to reduce rates of workplace injuries and illnesses, civil coalitions must assume this role.


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