scholarly journals Gênero, discriminação e diversidade sexual em perspectiva política no México (2012-2018)

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (31) ◽  
pp. 475-504
Author(s):  
Edméia A. Ribeiro

No ano de 2016, Enrique Peña Nieto (2012-2018), presidente do México, enviou ao Congresso um Projeto de Lei referente a aprovação do casamento entre pessoas do mesmo sexo. Analisando documentos oficiais da sua candidatura, partido e presidência, como o Programa de Ação, Declaração de Princípios das Convocatórias do PRI (Partido Revolucionário Institucional) e Plano Nacional de Desenvolvimento, não foram encontradas referências diretas à questão da “preferência sexual”, tal qual aparece na Constituição, e que demonstrasse linhas de ação direcionadas às pessoas LGBTI’s. A “perspectiva de gênero”, diretriz manifesta nesses documentos, referir-se-á unicamente à demanda das mulheres e condição social das mexicanas, sendo que já se constituíam em leis e políticas públicas desde o início do século XXI. Considerando a distância entre as propostas dos documentos oficiais e as iniciativas políticas de Peña Nieto, no tocante aos indivíduos com outras formas de vivência da sexualidade, este artigo discute a atuação presidencial como estratégia política e de autopromoção, uma vez que se encontrava em meio a uma grande crise de popularidade e denúncias de corrupção.

1997 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-362
Author(s):  
Arturo Alvarado Mendoza ◽  
Rafael Loyola Diaz ◽  
Liliana Martinez Perez

Author(s):  
Edwin F. Ackerman

This book argues that the mass party emerged as the product of two distinct but related “primitive accumulations”—the dismantling of communal land tenure and the corresponding dispossession of the means of local administration. It illustrates this argument by studying the party central to one of the longest regimes of the 20th century—the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) in Mexico, which emerged as a mass party during the 1930s and 1940s. I place the PRI in comparative perspective, studying the failed emergence of Bolivia’s Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR) (1952–64), attempted under similar conditions as the Mexican case. Why was party emergence successful in one case but not the other? The PRI emerged as a mass party in areas in Mexico where land privatization was more intensive and communal village government was weakened, enabling the party’s construction and subsequent absorption of peasant unions and organizations. Ultimately, the overall strength of communal property-holding and concomitant traditional political authority structures blocked the emergence of the MNR as a mass party. Where economic and political expropriation was more pronounced, there was a critical mass of individuals available for political organization, with articulatable interests, and a burgeoning cast of professional politicians that facilitated connections between the party and the peasantry.


Author(s):  
Paul Gillingham

Unrevolutionary Mexico addresses how the Mexican Revolution (1910-1940) turned into a capitalist dictatorship of exceptional resilience. While soldiers seized power across the rest of Latin America, in modern Mexico the civilians of a single party moved punctiliously in and out of office for seventy-one years. The book uses the histories of the states of Guerrero and Veracruz as entry points to explore the origins and consolidation of this unique authoritarian state on both provincial and national levels. An empirically rich reconstruction of over sixty years of modernization and revolution (1880-1945) revises prevailing ideas of a pacified Mexico and establishes the 1940s as a decade of faltering governments and enduring violence. The book then assesses the pivotal changes of the mid-twentieth century, when a new generation of lawyers, bureaucrats and businessmen joined with surviving revolutionaries to form the Partido Revolucionario Institucional, which held uninterrupted power until 2000. Thematic chapters analyse elections, development, corruption and high and low culture in the period. The central role of military and private violence is explored in two further chapters that measure the weight of hidden coercion in keeping the party in power. In conclusion, the combination of provincial and national histories reveals Mexico as a place where soldiers prevented coups, a single party lost its own rigged elections, corruption fostered legitimacy, violence was concealed but decisive, and ambitious cultural control co-existed with a critical press and a disbelieving public. In conclusion, the book demonstrates how this strange dictatorship thrived not despite but because of its contradictions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (35) ◽  
Author(s):  
José Antonio Crespo

La pregunta de por qué el priregresó a la Presidencia de la República en 2012 puede responderse en dos vías paralelas: una a través de las instituciones —partidos— y la otra mediante sus actores —los candidatos— que contendieron por la presidencia de la república. Desde 1997, con la pérdida de la mayoría en la Cámara de Diputados, el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (pri) y sus dirigentes, se adecuaron a la nueva realidad, adoptando una gobernabilidad de tipo horizontal e iniciando un proceso de liberalización. En el año 2000 finalmente perdió el poder e inició un proceso de recomposición. El Partido Acción Nacional (pan) capitalizó el apoyo electoral de los ciudadanos no obstante en sus gobiernos olvidaron la promesa de combatir la corrupción y utilizaron las instituciones para frenar la candidatura del abanderado presidencial de la izquierda y polarizaron a la sociedad con decisiones polémicas como sacar a las fuerzas armadas a la calle a combatir el crimen organizado. El Partido de la Revolución Democrática (prd) desaprovechó una gran oportunidad de ganar una de las dos elecciones presidenciales, debido a la radicalización del discurso y a las posturas que se alejaron de los electores independientes.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (19) ◽  
Author(s):  
Silverio Tamez Garza ◽  
Adriana Verónica Hinojosa Cruz ◽  
Carlos Augusto Jiménez Zárate

Abstract. In this paper we analyze how much influence the political party with the largest nationwide (Partido Revolucionario Institucional: PRI) in the Congress, specifically the House of Representatives, in the distribution of the Funds of Branch 23: Paving Fund and Sports Spaces for Municipalities, for the year 2010 which is when this fund was created and for the year 2011. The results of our analysis were that there is a positive impact in the influence ofthe political party with the largest presence in the Chamber of Deputies in the allocation of resources to those municipalities that are governed by mayors from the PRI.Keywords: municipalities, paving and spaces fund goods, political parties, populationResumen. En el presente artículo se analiza la influencia que puede presentar laconfiguración de la Cámara de Diputados con una mayoría por partido en la asignación de recursos hacia las entidades federativas y municipios. Se tomó el caso del Fondo de Pavimentación y Espacios Deportivos para Municipios comparando la distribución en el año de su creación (2010) cuando no se emitieron reglas para su acceso con el siguiente año (2011) tomando en cuenta nuevos criterios. El resultado que nos arroja nuestro análisis es que existe una incidencia positiva en cuanto a la influencia política que se ejerce cuando unexiste mayoría en la representación partidista en la Cámara de Diputados.Palabras clave: fondo de pavimentación y espacios deportivos, municipios, partidos políticos, población


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oniel Francisco Díaz Jiménez

Este artículo se centra en un aspecto comparativamente poco estudiado de la literatura sobre política en México relativo al análisis de los cambios significativos en la organización, las tácticas y las estrategias de campaña del Partido Revolucionario Institucional en elecciones presidenciales (denominados usualmente como profesionalización de las campañas) que han ocurrido durante las últimas dos décadas, y explora sus causas. El estudio muestra que la profesionalización de las campañas del PRI no sólo dependió de cambios a gran escala en el sistema político y en el sistema de medios de comunicación durante los noventas, sino también de los recursos y las características organizativas del partido (factores específicos al partido).


Author(s):  
Francisco Suárez Farías

Desde 1929 hasta 1992, treinta diferentes personajes de la política nacional mexicana han ocupado la presidencia del partido de Estado (Partido Nacional Revolucionario —Partido de la Revolución Mexicana— Partido Revolucionario Institucional), creando importantes camarillas en el poder y fundando o siendo continuidad de importantes familias y dinastías políticas mexicanas. En este artículo se evalúa la relevancia del parentesco desde la presidencia de A. Obregón en 1920, hasta la administración de Carlos Salinas de Gortari, en 1992.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Teresa Sierra ◽  
Orlando Aragón

El año 2000 supuso un momento de una gran esperanza para amplios sectores sociales de México. La derrota electoral que sufrió ese año el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), que gobernó al país durante más de setenta años, parecía augurar nuevos aires al anquilosado Estado mexicano, una supuesta apertura para la construcción de relaciones más igualitarias con sectores sociales históricamente marginados, en especial con los indígenas, y en general lo que algunos grupos veían como el florecimiento, por fin, de una cultura cívica arraigada en prácticas democráticas y en el multipartidismo.Esta expectativa, sin embargo, pronto se desvaneció; no sólo no se produjeron los cambios esperados, sino que se profundizaron y sofisticaron las prácticas anti-democráticas del viejo régimen; así como la marginación y exclusión económica a causa de la radicalización de las políticas neoliberales que comenzaron con los últimos gobiernos del PRI. En el caso de los pueblos indígenas las acotadas reformas constitucionales del 2001, que les reconocieron derechos de libredeterminaciòn y autonomía, pronto mostraron sus límites al acompañarse de reglamentaciones que redujeron los alcances de los derechos reconocidos y que se acompañaron de políticas dirigidas a fomentar la privatización de las tierras indígenas y a facilitar la incursión del capital transnacional en zonas con recursos naturales atractivos a la demanda del capitalismo mundial.---INDIGENOUS PEOPLES AND THE CHALLENGES OF THE LAW IN NEOLIBERAL CONTEXT: Between strategic use, dispossession and criminalization.The year 2000 marked a time of great hope for many social sectors in Mexico. The electoral defeat, that happened this year, of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), which ruled the country for over seventy years, seemed to herald new life to the stagnant Mexican state, an alleged opening to the construction of more egalitarian relationships with historically marginalized social sectors, especially with the Indians, and in general, with what some groups saw as the flourishment of a civic culture rooted in democratic practices and in a multiparty system.These expectations soon faded, however; not only did it not produce the expected changes but it sophisticated and deepened anti-democratic practices of the old regime; as well as helped economic exclusion and marginalization because of the radicalization of neoliberal policies that began with the previous PRI governments. For indigenous peoples the bounded constitutional reforms of 2001, which recognized their rights of free self determination and autonomy, soon showed its limits accompanied by regulations that reduced the scope of rights granted and which were accompanied by policies to promote privatization of indigenous lands and to facilitate the incursion of transnational capital in areas with attractive natural resources to the demand of world capitalism.keywords: indigenous people, neoliberalism, violence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-300
Author(s):  
Edwin F. Ackerman

AbstractWhat explains mass party formation? Prevailing approaches explain party formation as a process of reflection of preexisting social constituencies, or as the consequence of the rise of the bureaucratic state and in particular the advent of universal suffrage. These approaches fail to explain why Mexico’s Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) emerged as a mass party in some regions but not others despite attempts to do so and similarity in conditions that have been posited as central to party formation. I put forth a novel approach that posits that parties emerge as mass organization through a process of constitution of the very social base they claim to represent, but their constitutive powers are conditioned by fundamental economic structures. Relying on agrarian censuses and archival data, I show that the PRI emerged as a mass party in areas where land privatization had been more intensive. In these areas the party during its process of formation was able to build new, and absorb existing, peasant unions and organizations and carry out strong electoral mobilization. These findings suggest that mass party formation is dependent on the destruction of “pre”-capitalist agrarian structures.


1994 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 187-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rogelio Hernández Rodríguez

This article analyzes the principal political acts of the Carlos Salinas administration--elections, the removal of state governors, and the reforms of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI)--and their consequences on the political system. Such measures, far from being democratic improvements, have accentuated presidencialismo at the expense of political institutions.


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