Origins of the Mass Party

Author(s):  
Edwin F. Ackerman

This book argues that the mass party emerged as the product of two distinct but related “primitive accumulations”—the dismantling of communal land tenure and the corresponding dispossession of the means of local administration. It illustrates this argument by studying the party central to one of the longest regimes of the 20th century—the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) in Mexico, which emerged as a mass party during the 1930s and 1940s. I place the PRI in comparative perspective, studying the failed emergence of Bolivia’s Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR) (1952–64), attempted under similar conditions as the Mexican case. Why was party emergence successful in one case but not the other? The PRI emerged as a mass party in areas in Mexico where land privatization was more intensive and communal village government was weakened, enabling the party’s construction and subsequent absorption of peasant unions and organizations. Ultimately, the overall strength of communal property-holding and concomitant traditional political authority structures blocked the emergence of the MNR as a mass party. Where economic and political expropriation was more pronounced, there was a critical mass of individuals available for political organization, with articulatable interests, and a burgeoning cast of professional politicians that facilitated connections between the party and the peasantry.

2021 ◽  
pp. 79-106
Author(s):  
Edwin F. Ackerman

This chapter explores the role of persistent traditional agrarian structures on party organization. Land privatization was considerably less extensive in Bolivia when compared to Mexico. Through agrarian census materials and archival evidence of attempted electoral mobilization and peasant union construction, the chapter show how the regions in the country with relatively higher levels of communal land tenure and strong traditional authority structures were places where it was essentially impossible for the MNR to establish sustainable links to a mass base. In regions with less communal property holding, the MNR developed close links to existing and emerging peasant unions. Ultimately, these regions were not large enough as in the Mexican case to sustain stable party formation.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tri Martial

Agroforestry as a model of community-based forest management generally does not develop and is mostly in the form of traditional management. In West Sumatra, sustainability relates to the status of land tenure as communal property (communal land). Communal interests that appear on the communal rights to land and trees are able to direct the management of agroforestry to be sustained. Lack of security of land tenure does not affect the appearance of agroforestry, but the level of management or management of land use is more important for the purpose.


Obiter ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-185
Author(s):  
George Barrie

The facts in this case, which fell to be decided by the Supreme Court of Namibia in November 2018, can be succinctly put: in 1985, Ms Kashela’s late father was allocated a piece of land as part of communal land by the Mafwe Traditional Authority (MTA) in the Caprivi region of the then-South West Africa (now Namibia). In 1985, the Caprivi region fell under the then-South West Africa Administration. Following the independence of Namibia on 21 March 1990, all communal lands became property of the state of Namibia by virtue of section 124 of the Constitution of Namibia Act 1 of 1990, read with Schedule 5 of the Constitution. Paragraph (3) of Schedule 5 of the Constitution states that the afore-mentioned communal lands became property of the state “subject to any existing right, charge, obligation or trust existing on or over such property”.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-300
Author(s):  
Edwin F. Ackerman

AbstractWhat explains mass party formation? Prevailing approaches explain party formation as a process of reflection of preexisting social constituencies, or as the consequence of the rise of the bureaucratic state and in particular the advent of universal suffrage. These approaches fail to explain why Mexico’s Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) emerged as a mass party in some regions but not others despite attempts to do so and similarity in conditions that have been posited as central to party formation. I put forth a novel approach that posits that parties emerge as mass organization through a process of constitution of the very social base they claim to represent, but their constitutive powers are conditioned by fundamental economic structures. Relying on agrarian censuses and archival data, I show that the PRI emerged as a mass party in areas where land privatization had been more intensive. In these areas the party during its process of formation was able to build new, and absorb existing, peasant unions and organizations and carry out strong electoral mobilization. These findings suggest that mass party formation is dependent on the destruction of “pre”-capitalist agrarian structures.


2019 ◽  
Vol 06 (01) ◽  
pp. 1940002 ◽  
Author(s):  
April Karen Baptiste ◽  
Hubert Devonish

Hurricane Irma caused significant destruction to the Caribbean during the 2017 Atlantic Hurricane season. In its aftermath, many of these Small Island Developing States (SIDS) are left with the dilemma of seeking ways to rebuild in some cases entire nation states. Using the case study of Antigua and Barbuda, where Barbuda was the first Caribbean island to receive a direct hit from Hurricane Irma, the paper begins to explore the ways in which the global system of exploitation of SIDS exacerbates internal historical conflicts which is a manifestation of climate injustices. Specifically, the Barbudans’ relative privilege in having inherited communal land rights have become, for the government, the barrier standing in the way of the only alternative funding sources for reconstruction, foreign tourism investment. Using the theoretical underpinnings of climate justice, we argue that the causers of climate change, who are generally the inheritors of the historic colonization, exploitation and impoverishment of these states, will effectively benefit from the intensity of Hurricane Irma, given that they will eventually get access to Barbudan land if the communal land rights are revoked.


Land ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (10) ◽  
pp. 146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melissa Schumacher ◽  
Pamela Durán-Díaz ◽  
Anne Kristiina Kurjenoja ◽  
Eduardo Gutiérrez-Juárez ◽  
David A. González-Rivas

The ejido system, based on communal land in Mexico, was transformed to private ownership due to neoliberal trends in the 1990s. Based on the theory of stakeholders being agents of change, this study aimed to describe the land policies that changed the ejido system into private development to show how land tenure change is shaping urban growth. To demonstrate this, municipalities of San Andrés Cholula and Santa Clara Ocoyucan were selected as case studies. Within this context, we evaluated how much ejido land is being urbanized due to real estate market forces and what type of urbanization model has been created. These two areas represent different development scales with different stakeholders—San Andrés Cholula, where ejidos were expropriated as part of a regional urban development plan and Santa Clara Ocoyucan, where ejidos and rural land were reached by private developers without local planning. To analyze both municipalities, historical satellite images from Google Earth were used with GRASS GIS 7.4 (Bonn, Germany) and corrected with QGIS 2.18 (Boston, MA, US). We found that privatization of ejidos fragmented and segregated the rural world for the construction of massive gated communities as an effect of a disturbing land tenure change that has occurred over the last 30 years. Hence, this research questions the roles of local authorities in permitting land use changes with no regulations or local planning. The resulting urbanization model is a private sector development that isolates rural communities in their own territories, for which we provide recommendations.


2007 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-90
Author(s):  
Jessica Allina-Pisano

AbstractAt the beginning and the end of the twentieth century, the Russian imperial and post-Soviet governments pursued large-scale projects to transform land tenure in the countryside. Based on the belief that people would work harder and more productively on land they themselves owned, both reform programs divided collectively-managed land into individual parcels. Post-Soviet land privatization, consciously modeled on the Stolypin-era reforms conducted in early twentieth-century Russia, resulted in the dispossession of much of the rural population. This article examines privatization in a district of Voronezhoblast’ in Russia's southwest, considering contemporary processes through an historical lens. It shows how successful local efforts to adapt to markets and preserve large-scale agriculture nonetheless resulted in rural dispossession.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Heri Priyatmoko

Intisari:Tulisan ini membahas proses konflik tanah bengkok di Desa Telukan yang terjadi pada permulaan abad XXI. Masyarakat pedesaan dicitrakan komunitas yang tenang, jauh dari sikap kritis, dan hidup guyub rukun mendadak berubah dengan pecahnya konflik tanah bengkok. Tanah bengkok dipahami warga sebagai kekayaan desa yang harus dijaga dan umumnya berlokasi tidak jauh dari desa. Sengketa agraria ini dipicu oleh rasa ketidakpuasan masyarakat terhadap pamong desa dan tokoh masyarakat yang melakukan tukar guling tanah kas desa. Sebagian masyarakat merasa ditinggalkan oleh aparatur desa dalam mengambil keputusan penting itu. Akumulasi kekecewaan warga tersalurkan dengan membentuk organisasi Format dan melancarkan aksi demonstrasi yang digelar beberapa kali. Konflik tanah ini menyebabkan kehidupan desa sempat memanas dan masyarakat terbelah dalam beberapa kubu, yaitu mendukung ruislag, menolak, dan netral. Konflik atau ketegangan sosial merembet di ranah politik yang tercermin dalam pemilihan kepala desa dan Badan Permusyawaratan Desa (BPD). Kelompok yang bersengketa masing-masing mengajukan jagonya demi memenangkan kasus tukar guling. Kenyataan ini menunjukkan bahwa konflik tanah telah berimbas pada kehidupan sosial-politik masyarakat. Abstract: This paper discusses the conflict of tanah bengkok (communal land managed by the village government) in Telukan village in early 21st century. Villagers are depicted as calm and peaceful communities and lack of critical thinking. However, the hamonious life in Telukan village suddenly became a chaos due to the conflict related to tanah bengkok. The people recognize tanah bengkok as a property of the village that needs to be preserved. This land is usually located close to the village. Agrarian dispute was triggered by the lost of trust toward the village leaders and public figures who were supposed to conduct the ruislag of tanah bengkok. Some villagers felt that they were not involved in taking communal decisions by their leaders. The people’s disappoinment triggering them to established an organisation and several demonstrations. The community was divided into several groups: those who support the ruislag, those who refuse, and status quo. This conflict was spread to the political sphere, showed in the election of Kepala Desa (head of village) and Badan Permusyawaratan Desa (Village’s Representative Board). The disputing groups chose their own representatives in order to win the ruislag case. This signifies the evidences that the agrarian dispute impacted on the people’s socio-political lives.


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