scholarly journals ANALYSIS OF PROFITABILITY OF SESAME PRODUCTION IN YOBE STATE, NIGERIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 46-69
Author(s):  
Samuel E. Jonah ◽  
Baba G. Shettima ◽  
Abba S. S. Umar ◽  
Enan Timothy

Purpose: The study examined the profitability of sesame (Sesanum indicum) production in Yobe State, Nigeria. Methodology: One hundred and eighty (180) sesame farmers were sampled from 12 villages spread across three Local Government Areas in Yobe State using multistage sampling procedure.  The descriptive statistics such as frequency, percentages and mean were used to describe the socioeconomic characteristics of farmers and constraints associated with sesame production. The inferential statistics employed was the Gross margin (GM) which was used to estimate the profitability of sesame production. Findings: The result of socioeconomic characteristics revealed that majority (77.77%) of the respondents were aged between 21-60 years old and all (100%) of the respondents had one form of education or the other. The result of profitability of sesame production revealed that the gross margin (GM) was  N157,519.00 and the average return per Naira invested was N2.07. Some of the major constraints faced by farmers in sesame production are inadequate fund (88.7%), inadequate extension services (72.0%), problem of pest and disease (66.1%) among others. Recommendations: the study recommended that strategies to improve profitability should focus on improved farmer access to institutional credits and improved infrastructural facilities such as access roads for easy linkage to markets. Also, In order to cope with the problem of inadequate and high cost of seed, the government and research institute should make improved seed available at the right time and also at subsidies rate to the farmers. Keywords: sesame production, profitability, constraints, gross margin, Yobe State

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-201
Author(s):  
R. Adeyemo ◽  
A.D. Kehinde

Abstract. This study investigated the effect of membership in farmers’ association on adoption rate of land-enhancing technologies in Ogun State, Nigeria by gender. Specifically, it describes the socio-economic characteristics of the farmers by gender, identifies land-enhancing technologies adopted by farmers in the study area, determines the adoption rates of the technologies by gender, and determines the membership in farmers’ association on the adoption and intensity of use of land-enhancing technologies by gender. Multistage sampling procedure was used to select 120 respondents for the study. The data were analysed using descriptive statistics and the Cragg’s (double-hurdle) model. The results of the descriptive statistics, which are expressed by gender, reveal that the sampled population were majorly comprised of males (58%), than females (42%). The level of association membership was 54% for females and 35.29% for males, and only 33.82% of the respondents had contact with extension agents. The results also show that 17.65% of males and 10% of females did not adopt any technology. The results from the Cragg’s double hurdle model show that extension contact significantly influenced the adoption of most of the technologies. It had a positive relationship with the adoption of all the technologies across both genders, except for organic manure whose adoption was negatively influenced. It is therefore recommended that relevant governments and stakeholders improve extension services, as well as consider farming associations as means of getting across to female famers in order to improve their adoption levels and productivity.


1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Dennis A. Rubini

William of Orange tried to be as absolute as possible. Inroads upon the power of the executive were fiercely resisted: indeed, William succeeded in keeping even the judiciary in a precarious state of independence. To maintain the prerogative and gain the needed supplies from parliament, he relied upon a mixed whig-tory ministry to direct court efforts. Following the Glorious Revolution, the whigs had divided into two principle groups. One faction led by Robert Harley and Paul Foley became the standard-bearers of the broadly based Country party, maintained the “old whig” traditions, did not seek office during William's reign, tried to hold the line on supply, and led the drive to limit the prerogative. The “junto,” “court,” or “new” whigs, on the other hand, were led by ministers who, while in opposition during the Exclusion crisis, held court office, aggressively sought greater offices, and wished to replace monarchy with oligarchy. They soon joined tory courtiers in opposing many of the Country party attempts to place additional restrictions upon the executive. To defend the prerogative and gain passage for bills of supply, William also developed techniques employed by Charles II. By expanding the concept and power of the Court party, he sought to bring together the executive and legislative branches of government through a large cadre of crown office-holders (placemen) who sat, voted, and directed the votes of others on behalf of the government when matters of importance arose in the Commons. So too, William claimed the right to dissolve parliament and call new elections not on a fixed date, as was to become the American practice, but at the time deemed most propitious over first a three-year and then (after 1716) a seven year period.


Author(s):  
I. K. Agbugba ◽  
M. Christian ◽  
A. Obi

ABSTRACT This study sought to determine the economics of maize farmers in Amatole District, Eastern Cape. Multistage sampling procedure was used to select hundred and nine (109) smallholder farmers (homestead and irrigators). Descriptive statistics and gross margin analysis were used to determine the economics and profitability of maize in the study area. Findings indicated that majority (66 per cent) of them were men with an average age of 61 years old, majority (69 per cent) were married, with mean household size of 4 persons and household heads having some primary education. Moreover, majority (76 per cent) of the farmers depended on irrigation technology; majority (33 per cent) of the famers spent between 9 and 11 years of experience in farming; majority (89 per cent) of the respondents in the study area were dependent on farming as their major occupation and livelihood. Pertaining to land acquisition, majority (48%) of the farmers believed that the traditional or community leaders set rules and regulations regarding land acquisition. From the profitability analysis, smallholder farmer irrigators generated significantly higher yield, total revenues and gross margins more than the homestead gardeners at 5, 10 and 5 per cent levels, respectively. Moreover, homestead gardeners spent more money in purchase of inputs and this may have contributed to their low gross margins. On the other hand, smallholder-farmer irrigators who incur less input costs have higher chances of benefiting from price discounts and transport offer by input suppliers than the homestead gardeners. This results in smallholder farmer irrigators wielding more profits, thereby creating more income and wealth which is pivotal in the improvement of farmers' livelihoods. Keywords: Economics, profitability, Maize farmers, Extension service, Eastern Cape.


2020 ◽  
Vol 69 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 20-26
Author(s):  
Banji Olalere Adisa ◽  
Michael Famakinwa ◽  
Kolawole Adelekan Adeloye

SummaryThe study assessed adoption of rice post-harvest technologies among smallholder farmers in Osun State, Nigeria. Data were collected from 120 respondents through a structured interview schedule using a multistage sampling procedure. Percentages, means, Chi-square and correlation were used to analyse the data and draw inferences. The results show that about 52.5% of the respondents had favourable perception, while 47.5% had unfavourable perception towards adoption of the rice post-harvest technologies. Rice milling (mean=4.54) and harvesting matured panicles at the right time (mean=4.47) ranked highest among the adopted post-harvest technologies, while majority (65%) of the respondents adopted the rice post-harvest technologies at moderate level and 35% had high level of adoption. Inadequate capital (mean=1.75) and poor extension contacts (mean=1.67) were the major constraints associated with the adoption. Also, there was significant association between sex (χ2= 38.174), marital status (χ2=32.85) and adoption of the rice post-harvest technologies, while age (r=-0.531), household size (r=0.414) and the quantity of rice produced (r=0.345) had significant relationship with adoption of the post-harvest rice technologies. There was moderate level of adoption among the farmers. Financial institutions, governments and non-governmental organisations should provide functional credit facilities and government should employ more extension agents to promote adoption of high-quality enhancing post-harvest technologies for sustainable rice production in Nigeria.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (9) ◽  
pp. 210-217
Author(s):  
Akintonde J. Oluwole ◽  
Akintaro O. Segun ◽  
Rahman S. Bayonle

The efficiency of any entrepreneur is a function of personal production skill, knowledge and experience acquired over time and exposure via training in the field of his or her enterprise focus. It is on this premise that this study examined the effect of extension training on technical efficiency of maize farmers in Ogbomoso Agricultural Zone, Oyo State, Nigeria. Multistage sampling procedure was adopted for the selection of One-hundred and Eighty-One (181) maize farmers, while structured and validated interview schedule was used to obtain necessary information from the sampled respondents. Data collected were analyzed using both descriptive and inferential statistical tools. The mean age of sampled farmers was 48 years and majority (80.1%) of the farmers was male. The farmers with extension contact have access to different extension trainings on maize production in the study area. The average household sizes were 7 and 8, with the average farm sizes of 1.423ha and 1.417ha for both contact and non-contact maize farmers respectively. Those farmers with extension contact were found to be technically efficient than non-contact farmers. Significant relationship existed between some selected socio-economic characteristics of both sampled maize farmers and their maize output. The study therefore suggests the need to create more awareness on the roles of extension services on crop production among farmers and the authorities concern with extension service delivery should improve on the frequency of extension contact in order to encourage farmers' participation in extension activities in the study area and rural communities in Nigeria at large. Keywords: Extension training, technical efficiency, contact and non-contact maize farmers.


Author(s):  
Alice Mukamugema ◽  
Patience Mlongo Mshenga ◽  
Abucheli Eliud Birachi

The concept of precooked beans was introduced in Rwanda in 2009, to counteract the disadvantage of too much energy and time consumption associated with dry beans preparation. However, their adoption has been dismal and little is known on the possible causes of this. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to identify constraints impeding the adoption of precooked beans among secondary boarding schools in Rwanda. A multistage sampling procedure was used to interview 64 caterers of secondary boarding schools. Descriptive statistics were used to analyze constraints hindering the adoption of precooked beans among schools. Also, logistic regression was used to analyze factors influencing the willingness to adopt precooked beans in schools. The results showed 7 majorconstraints encountered by secondary boarding schools in adopting precooked beans and 5 factors statistically influencing the willingness of schools to adopt precooked beans. The study concluded that the lack of sufficient information, higher price, unavailability, distrust in sustainability claims, lowernutritional value, inconvenient packaging and inadequate storage are the major barriers to adoption of precooked beans in schools. Therefore, this study recommends producers of precooked beans to consider the abovementioned barriers in setting their marketing strategy to enhance the consumptionof precooked beans among schools.


Author(s):  
Denza Eileen

This chapter considers the first sentence of Article 27.1 of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations which discusses the freedom of communication given to all members of the diplomatic mission. According to the Article 27.1, the receiving State shall permit and protect free communication on the part of the mission for all official purposes. Representatives from the sending State may employ all appropriate means, including diplomatic couriers and messages in code or cipher, in communicating with their Government and the other missions and consulates. However, if the mission wishes to use a wireless transmitter, it must first have consent of the receiving State. Without the right of free communication, the mission cannot effectively carry out two of its most important functions—negotiating with the government of the receiving State and reporting to the government of the sending State on conditions and developments in the receiving State.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (6) ◽  
pp. 1779-1785
Author(s):  
Dejan Vitanski ◽  
Dijana Kirova

The executive power is a gravitational center of political power, that is the basic lever of the mechanism of power and at the same time, one of the key elements for determining the character of the political system. In order to prevent or disable the concentration of power in the hands of the executive power, political and legal thought have repeatedly sought for effective mechanisms for restricting that power and keeping it under control. The executive power in order not to turn it into its negation, must be as fully and accurately dimensioned and limited as possible. The nicules of the idea of political control emerged with the division of power and the need for mutual control and limitation of the various branches of government. In order to mitigate and neutralize the possibility of abuse, one of the mechanisms is to organize the government in a way that one authority oversees the other authority. In that sense, in the relations between the legislature and the executive, it is necessary for the legislation to have no legal means to stop the decisions of the executive power, but with the possibility and authority to control it. Conversely, the executive has the right to veto the legal acts, but can not participate in their voting. Political control is one of the essential and standardly established functions of parliaments in all countries with a parliamentary or mixed system of government organization. It is a process in which parliament continuously and systematically monitors, analyzes, checks and evaluates the work of the government. In addition, the controlling parliamentary prism observes the overall work of the government as a collegial body of the executive power and the work of ministers as its members in terms of whether they achieve the goals and policies of parliament expressed in the constitution and laws, and whether the manner of who act, the means and the methods they use are purposeful. Subtlety in the use of instruments of political control is necessary in order not to jeopardize the fundamentals of the independence of the executive, that is, not to undermine the necessary independence of the ministers in undertaking measures within the scope of their portfolio, as well as on the activities for consistent implementation of government policy in general. However, political control, on the other hand, has been established, first of all, to prevent the independence of the holders of the executive power from reaching beyond the limits of the normatively projected trajectory of movement and action, not to turn into arbitrariness and voluntarism, not to manifest ignorant attitude towards the policies and attitudes of the parliament expressed in the laws, and thus indirectly in accordance with the will of the citizens represented in the parliament. In labor, through a wide-angle view will be analyzed and processed the institutes of political control and political responsibility of the government in certain systems of state power, with particular emphasis on the parliamentary system. In the focus of the scientific-research interest will be the deep and extensive study and awareness of the immanent features of the forms through which the parliamentary control of the administration is effectuated and animated. Also, in this context, the author's intention is to capture the effectiveness of individual control mechanisms.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-377
Author(s):  
Gerrit Van De Put

It often appears that leading politicians in Belgium consider the results of the municipal elections in the light of national polities. They stick to the thesis that the municipal poll-results, at least in the bigger towns, are more and more influenced by the constellation of the nation's politics.Is it really so that the municipal elections indicate the hearings of the national political situation ? Can one draw conclusions from the results of these elections as if they were national ones ? And can one,any how, compare municipal to parliamentary elections ?  By comparison of the results of municipal elections 1964 and of parliamentary elections 1965 it was checked which shifts in party-choice havehappened during this short period of eight months. If no oscillations, or only a few, were detected between both elections, one could conclude that the municipal elections 1964 indicated indeed the hearings of the parliamentary elections 1965.Successively, the national and provincial results of these elections were compared and the party-shifts on national and provincial level were calculated.To make a relevant comparison between the election-results on a lower level, a comparable basic unity had to be found. As there were no municipal data available at parliamentary elections on one side, andonly municipal results at the municipal elections on the other side, the least possible unity for which parliamentary election-results are known, the electoral canton namely, was chosen as a comparison-basis. For that purpose however the results per party had to be additioned in all municipalities belonging to one canton.Part of the electoral cantons was unfit for use as comparison-material for two reasons : the highly varied and often strongly local-coloured political party-structure on one hand, the big number of municipalitieswithout elections on the other hand. So we were bound to make a choice out of 212 electoral cantons. Finally the cantons with a maximum of 4 municipalities were chosen, which limited the number of cantons to 28. These cantons were classified by degree of urbanisation according to the typology of W. Van Waelvelde and H. Van der Haegen.In that classification the percentages of votes in favour of the political parties, at the occasion of these elections, were tabulated and compared.The participating parties and lists were grouped as much as possible around the traditional parties to which they were most related. So we distinguish in Flanders : CVP, BSP, PVV, VU, CPB and other parties ;in the Walloon region: PSC, PSB, PLP PCB, French-speaking lists and other parties.For this analysis we also thought it was relevant to control separately the shifts of the electoral corps in the Flemish, the Walloon and the Brussels cantons. These shifts were then specified according to thedegree of urbanisation.To measure the size of the party-shifts for these elections, the external election-shift standard was calculated for the chosen Flemish, Walloon and Brussels cantons, with a special attention for the degree of urbanisation. Finally we examined which attitude was assumed by the government, the governmental and the opposition parties, in relation to the results of the municipal 1964 elections.It appeared that some notable party-shifts had been realized during the short period between the municipal elections of 1964 and the legislative elections of 1965. In general, a certain polarization has taken place due to a centrifugal vote-shift to the left and still more to the right. The direction of vote-shifts, which had shown at the municipal elections of 1964, was affirmed at the legislative elections of 1965 and for some parties, CVP and PVV namely, it was even accentuated. The parallelism between both elections in relation to the direction of the vote-shifts did not mean however that the size of these shifts was the same everywhere. The image of the shifts was different according to linguistic region and degree of urbanisation.The analysis of the urbanisation-degree showed that the level of oscillations grew higher as the urbanisation-degree grew lower. Seen per linguistic region, the largest shifts had taken place in the Walloon cantons.  According to the calculations of the electoral shift standards during the period 1964-1965, the lowest oscillations were noted in the Flemish and Brussels cantons, i.e. the voting-behaviour of the big agglomerations during the municipal elections of 1964 were the closest to the national electoral pattern. Seen that way they were, up to a certain degree, a value-measure for the general policy.Finally the remark should be made that the limitation to the two above-mentioned elections does not allow any generalization of the obtained conclusions. The short period between those elections was itself an exceptional situation which may have been of influence on the results of the comparisons.


2021 ◽  
pp. e20210031
Author(s):  
Fakhri Haghani

A publicity tool during the Iran–Iraq war (1980–1988), the cinema of the post-war period in Iran was expected to uphold Islamic, ethical, and symbolic values idealized by the government as defa’-e moghaddas (the sacred defense). The war film genre, which was launched during this period to promote these values, exclusively addressed the presence of men on the front lines. It barely made on-screen references to the role of women. Focusing on the gender dynamics of self-sacrifice and drawing on genres such as drama and melodrama, certain filmmakers used cinemay-e ejtema’i (the social cinema) to translate this ideal to the struggles back home. These films turned the gaze of the camera toward the hidden life of mazlooman (the oppressed). They thus shifted the meaning of defa’-e moghaddas and addressed socio-psychological suffering, oppressive cultural practices (‘ orf), and unjust legal codes of qisas (retaliation) as contradictory to Islam’s teachings on and cultivation of love, justice, and righteousness among ommat (the Islamic community). Focusing on the Iranian poetic vision of hamdeli va mehrvarzi (camaraderie and love from knowing the other), this essay traces affective states including affinity in struggle, rage, anger, and resistance. Linking instances of these states with Western feminist scholarship on the theory of affect, I discuss the cinematic process of claiming “the right to look” (Mirzoeff, Nicholas, The Right to Look: A Counterhistory of Visuality. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2011).


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document