scholarly journals Miscalculations of the military strategy of the United States and its NATO allies to "democratize" Afghanistan

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (7/S) ◽  
pp. 86-90
Author(s):  
Sh. Shukurov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Strategy ◽  
Regional Conflicts ◽  
Middle East Conflict ◽  
The Military

The Afghan conflict, which has lasted for more than three decades, at the turn of 2011-2012 went through a new cycle of its evolution. In June 2011, it was announced that the withdrawal from countries of American troops and at the same time - about the start of direct US talks with the Taliban. Observers agreed that the complete conclusion US troops in 2014 will not end conflict, but can contribute to its new round. Few assumed that in the mid-1970s began one of the longest-running and most internationalized modern regional conflicts. By its complexity it is comparable to the situation on the Korean Peninsula and the Middle East conflict. It is noteworthy that none of external participants in the Afghan situation could not completely turn off, even with the withdrawal of troops, Afghanistan gave rise to and showed the limits for many international endeavors.

MIDDLE EAST POLICY COMPONENT OF THE USA, CHINA AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION: POLITICS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (part 1)

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (12) ◽  
pp. 126-149
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Usa ◽  
East Component ◽  
The Military ◽  
Middle East Policy ◽  
The Impact

The paper assesses the impact of the middle East component of the policy of the United States of America, the people's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on ensuring the national security of these countries. We propose an approach to comparing this influence, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in the middle East and other regions of the world. The results of the work can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the middle East component of the policy of the United States, China and Russia is gaining a significant role in the implementation of the current economic and military policies of the countries of the middle East region.

MIDDLE EAST POLICY COMPONENT OF THE USA, CHINA AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION: POLITICS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (12) ◽  
pp. 65-87
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Usa ◽  
East Component ◽  
The Military ◽  
Middle East Policy ◽  
The Impact

The paper assesses the impact of the middle East component of the policy of the United States of America, the people's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on ensuring the national security of these countries. We propose an approach to comparing this influence, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in the middle East and other regions of the world. The results of the work can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the middle East component of the policy of the United States, China and Russia is gaining a significant role in the implementation of the current economic and military policies of the countries of the middle East region.

Hating America: Bin Laden as a Civilizational Revolutionary

2003 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 325-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert S. Snyder
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The United States ◽  
September 11 ◽  
Clash Of Civilizations ◽  
Regional Conflicts

Much of the literature on September 11 focuses on bin Laden as a terrorist or on the idea of a clash of civilizations. In criticizing both, this paper instead conceptualizes bin Laden as a “civilizational revolutionary.” As a revolutionary, bin Laden has sought to topple moderate regimes in the Middle East and to reestablish the caliphate. In contrast with most other national or transnational revolutionaries, however, he has emphasized culture—militant Islamism. Nevertheless, as the literature on social revolutions suggests, bin Laden has used the big strategy of most other revolutionaries in “externalizing” regional conflicts with his attacks on the United States. But his tactic of apocalyptic terrorism has made him unique as a revolutionary.

Countercombatant Strategy: A New Balance of Terror?

Worldview ◽  
1974 ◽  
Vol 17 (7) ◽  
pp. 47-53
Author(s):  
Robert C. Johansen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Arms Control ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arms Race ◽  
Military Strategy ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
Nuclear Strategy ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
Nuclear Policy ◽  
The Military

Military planners, security-minded intellectuals and Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger himself have been reexamining current nuclear strategy in light of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks. As always, caution and skepticism are advisable in appraising new proposals for military strategy and even for arms control, since such proposals often encourage the arms race to continue unabated in new, more volatile areas.Because of Schlesinger's public / announced intention to modify American nuclear policy, one strategic proposal receiving attention is Bruce Russett's suggestion, published two years ago in Worldview (“Short of Nuclear Madness,” April, 1972), and in his contribution to The Military-Industrial Complex: A Reassessment, edited by Sam C. Sarkesian and Charles Moskos, that the United States should replace a countercity nuclear strategy with a counter-combatant strategy.

scholarly journals From Islamic Renaissance to Neo-fascism in Turkey

2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 186-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Firat Demir
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Muslim Country ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Changing Times ◽  
The One ◽  
The Military ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

The Neoliberal Landscape is a collection of nine essays exploring the economic, political, social, and historical dynamics behind the rise of Islamic political parties in the Middle East, particularly the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) in Turkey. For scholars studying Turkey and the wider Middle East, understanding the rise of the AKP as well as its internal and external undercurrents has been a challenge. On the one hand, its founding leaders marketed their party as a democratic Islamic party, similar to Christian Democrats in Europe, and claimed to focus their efforts on democratizing Turkey by limiting the military and Kemalist hegemony. To this end, they formed alliances with the liberals and the liberal-left as well as the outward oriented business groups, and used the support of the European Union and the United States as leverage to increase their legitimacy. The AKP's strong neoliberal stance in economic policy also allowed it to win over domestic and international capital to its side. The changing times in global politics were also in the AKP's favor, coinciding with the post-9/11 period when the United States and its allies were desperate to find a liberal and democratic Muslim country with a market economy that they could use as a showcase. The AKP project, however, proved to be short-lived as it has increasingly become authoritarian at home, bordering on neo-fascist, and confrontational abroad. In fact, many analysts have suggested that what Turkey is experiencing is nothing short of a regime change, moving the country from a secular republic, albeit a semi-democratic one, to a neo-fascist one-party state with some Islamic flavor, ruled by a strong-man with no pretense of democracy. In fact, since the 7 June 2015 elections, the country has moved to a de facto presidential system, even without constitutional change.

Would China Go Nuclear? Assessing the Risk of Chinese Nuclear Escalation in a Conventional War with the United States

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 50-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caitlin Talmadge
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
General Framework ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Strategy ◽  
The Military

Could a conventional war with the United States inadvertently prompt Chinese nuclear escalation? The military-technical threat that such a war would pose to China's retaliatory capability—combined with wartime perceptual dynamics that might cause China to view this threat in an especially pessimistic light—could lead to reasonable Chinese fears that the United States might be attempting conventional counterforce, or considering or preparing for nuclear counterforce. China might see several forms of limited nuclear escalation as its least-bad response to this sort of threat to its nuclear deterrent, notwithstanding the country's no-first-use policy. This finding, derived from a more general framework about the military-technical and perceptual drivers of potential nuclear escalation in response to conventional counterforce, has broader ramifications for U.S. policy and military strategy, and it illustrates recurring dilemmas that the United States may face in conventional wars with other nuclear-armed adversaries.

Conclusion

2019 ◽  
pp. 175-181
Author(s):  
David P. Fields
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Decisions ◽  
The Soviet Union

American diplomatic historian Lloyd Gardner once suggested that the constant problem facing Koreans in their twentieth-century relations with the United States was that “Korea was always about someplace else.” In an insightful essay, historian James Matray elaborated on this idea, showing how presidents from Lyndon B. Johnson to George W. Bush made policy decisions affecting the Korean Peninsula that were actually focused on US relations with the Soviet Union, the Middle East, or American domestic politics....

scholarly journals German Federal Republic and Crisis in Syria: Active Mediator or Passive Observer?

2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (12) ◽  
pp. 78-86
Author(s):  
N. Pavlov ◽  
K. Khderi
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
German Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
German Foreign Policy ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Regional Conflicts

During the Cold War, the involvement of the Federal Republic of Germany into the settlement of regional conflicts was insignificant. The situation started to change after German reunification which lead to the increase in Germany’s role in the international arena. Political, diplomatic and economic instruments started to belong to the main features of German foreign policy in the region and created a positive image among the Arab countries. Today, at first sight, the Middle East does not belong to the top priorities of German foreign policy. However, in the foreign policy hierar¬chy, the region is among the top three after Europe and the United States, ahead of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Berlin’s increased focus on the Middle East is determined by a number of factors. Among them are German historical responsibility towards Jewish people and obligation to ensure Israel’s right to existence and security; dependence of the German economy on energy resources from the Arab countries; region’s proximity to Europe, and such arising threats as terrorism, illegal migration and regional conflicts. In its turn, regional conflicts are a unique opportunity for the Federal Republic of Germany to declare itself as an international mediator and to participate in peace processes on an equal footing with such world powers as the United States of America, Russian Federation or the People’s Republic of China. Maneuvering between the Arab countries and Israel, the United States and the European partners as well as explosive situation in the region lead to decreased efficiency of German policy towards the Arab countries. In such circumstances, is Berlin ready to assume the role of international mediator in this constantly sensitive region, or would it prefer to remain a passive observer? The analysis of Germany’s policy in the region in the context of the Syrian crisis will help to answer the above stated question.

Presidential Missions

1991 ◽  
Vol 31 (281) ◽  
pp. 216-222
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Humanitarian Aid ◽  
The United States ◽  
Middle East Conflict

The missions which took ICRC President Cornelio Sommaruga to Great Britain, France, Jordan and the United States in February and early March 1991 were part of the effort to mobilize humanitarian aid to meet the immediate needs of the victims of the Middle East conflict and its aftermath.During the same period the President also carried out official visits in Switzerland, Italy and Brazil.

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