scholarly journals La place de la mer Caspienne dans la politique étrangère russe

Author(s):  
Khagani Guliyev

This study focuses on the question of the role of the Caspian Sea at a large scale in the current Russian foreign policy. It is noted that though in the historical perspective the Caspian Sea basin had been totally dominated by Russia since the beginning of the 19th century, this domination was contested and considerably reduced after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Paradoxically, in parallel for various reasons exposed in the paper, the Caspian Sea gained more importance in the Russian foreign policy giving rise to new challenges for the future of the Russian power in the region.

2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 399-413
Author(s):  
Rizal Abdul Kadir

After twenty-two years of negotiations, in Aktau on August 12, 2018, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Iran, Russia, and Turkmenistan signed the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea. The preamble of the Convention stipulates, among other things, that the Convention, made up of twenty-four articles, was agreed on by the five states based on principles and norms of the Charter of the United Nations and International Law. The enclosed Caspian Sea is bordered by Iran, Russia, and three states that were established following dissolution of the Soviet Union, namely Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan.


2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 179-199
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Entina ◽  
Alexander Pivovarenko

The article reflects on the issue of the foreign policy strategy of modern Russia in the Balkans region. One of the most significant aspects of this problem is the difference in views between Russia and the West. Authors show how different interpretations of the events in former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s predetermined the sense of mutual suspicion and mistrust which spread to other regions such as the post-Soviet space. Exploring differences between the Russian and the Western (Euro-Atlantic) views on the current matters, authors draw attention to fundamental differences in terminology: while the Western narrative promotes more narrow geographical and political definitions (such as the Western Balkan Six), traditional Russian experts are more inclined to wider or integral definitions such as “the Balkans” and “Central and Southeast Europe”. Meanwhile none of these terms are applicable for analysis of the current trends such as the growing transit role of the Balkans region and its embedding in the European regional security architecture. Therefore, a new definition is needed to overcome the differences in vision and better understand significant recent developments in the region. Conceptualizing major foreign policy events in Central and Southeast Europe during the last three decades (the 1990s, 2000s and 2010s), authors demonstrate the significance of differences in tools and methods between the Soviet Union and the modern Russia. Permanent need for adaptation to changing political and security context led to inconsistence in Russian Balkan policy in the 1990s. Nevertheless, Russia was able to preserve an integral vision of the region and even to elaborate new transregional constructive projects, which in right political circumstances may promote stability and become beneficial for both Russia and the Euro-Atlantic community.


2004 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 16-17
Author(s):  
Fuad Ismayilov

Azerbaijan is a nation with a Turkic population which regained its independence after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. It has an area of approximately 86 000 km2. Georgia and Armenia, the other countries comprising the Transcaucasian region, border Azerbaijan to the north and west, respectively. Russia also borders the north, Iran and Turkey the south, and the Caspian Sea borders the east. The total population is about 8 million. The largest ethnic group is Azeri, comprising 90% of the population; Dagestanis comprise 3.2%, Russians 2.5%, Armenians 2% and others 2.3%.


2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Sheng ◽  
Qiang Zhai ◽  
Deborah Kaple

In this forum, three leading experts on Sino-Soviet relations and Mao Zedong's policy toward the Soviet Union offer their appraisals of Sergey Radchenko's Two Suns in the Heavens, The Sino-Soviet Struggle for Supremacy, 1962–1967, published by the Woodrow Wilson Center Press. The commentators praise many aspects of Radchenko's book, but Michael Sheng and to a lesser extent Qiang Zhai and Deborah Kaple wonder whether Radchenko has gone too far in downplaying the role of ideology in Mao's foreign policy. Unlike Lorenz Lüthi, who gives decisive weight to ideology in his own book about the Sino-Soviet split, Radchenko argues that a classical realist approach is the best framework for understanding Chinese foreign policy and the rift between China and the Soviet Union. Sheng and Zhai also raise questions about some of the sources used by Radchenko. Replying to the commentaries, Radchenko defends his conception of Mao's foreign policy, arguing that it is a more nuanced view than Sheng and Zhai imply. Radchenko also stresses the inherent shortcomings of the source base scholars are forced to use when analyzing Chinese foreign policy.


2020 ◽  
pp. 211-232
Author(s):  
Tetsuya Okada ◽  
Serhii Cholii ◽  
Dávid Karácsonyi ◽  
Michimasa Matsumoto

Abstract This chapter provides case studies on disaster recovery in the context of community participation. It presents two cases that explore, compare and contrast the nuclear disasters in Chernobyl and Fukushima. Despite differences in the socio-economic circumstances between the Soviet Union (Soviet–Ukraine) in 1986 and Japan in 2011, the Chernobyl and Fukushima disasters provide an opportunity to discuss power relations in disaster management and the role of local communities. These large-scale nuclear disasters are amongst the most traumatic experiences for the disaster-impacted communities worldwide. This chapter discusses the implementation of relocation and resettlement measures with socio-political power relations within and between the stakeholders. The combination of these is shown to significantly affect the everyday lives of those within the communities throughout the recovery process. Along with government documentation, the interviews with evacuees, community leaders and decision-makers conducted between 2012 and 2016 form the basis of the case studies discussed in this chapter.


Slavic Review ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 614-630
Author(s):  
Jan S. Adams

Historically, leaders of the Soviet Union have shown extraordinary faith in the power of bureaucratic reorganization to solve political problems. The 1985-1987 restaffing and restructuring of the foreign policy establishment indicate that Mikhail Gorbachev shares this faith. In the first sixteen months of his leadership, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs replaced its minister, two first deputy ministers, seven deputy ministers, a third of all Soviet ambassadors, and created four new departments. In addition, important changes were made in the central party apparat, affecting three of the CPSU Central Committee departments: The International Information Department was abolished. The Propaganda Department gained added prominence in international affairs with the appointment of a new chief, Aleksandr Iakovlev, who began playing a conspicuous role as Gorbachev's advisor at international conferences even before his elevation to the Politburo in January 1987. Of great significance for the Soviet foreign policy establishment as a whole, the International Department (ID) was given new leadership, a new arms control unit, and expanded missions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-217
Author(s):  
Anna Czyż

One of the consequences of the collapse of the Soviet Union was the outbreak of several conflicts in the post-Soviet area and the emergence of the so-called para-states. Based on the systemic method of treating parastates as a system, internal and external influence factors will be indicated. The article aims to present the reasons for creating para-states and analyze internal and external determinants, i.e. attributes of their statehood as factors that guarantee their operation and ensure continued survival. In this context, the thesis was made that Russian political, economic, and military support for para-states ensures their functioning. Moreover, the article indicates the role of para-states in the Russian Federation’s foreign policy towards the post- Soviet area, with which the central thesis of the article is related. It says that supporting para-states politically, financially, and militarily is one of the instruments of Russia’s policy towards the post-Soviet area and is intended to keep it within the Russian sphere of influence.


Book Reviews: The Pure Theory of Politics, The Nature and Limits of Political Science, Social Science and Political Theory, in Defence of Politics, The Theory of Political Coalitions, The British Political Elite, Amateurs and Professionals in British Politics, 1918–59, London Government and the Welfare Services, Local Government Today … and Tomorrow, Public Expenditure: Appraisal and Control, The Lessons of Public Enterprise, Nationalization: A Book of Readings, Income Distribution and Social Change, The Northern Ireland Problem: A Study in Group Relations, Report of the Joint Working Party on the Economy of Northern Ireland, Economic Planning in France, The French Army: A Military-Political History, The Trial of Charles De Gaulle, Torture: Cancer of Democracy, Communism and the French Left, Algeria and France: From Colonialism to Cooperation, Der Fascismus in Seiner Epoche, The Soviet Union and the German Question, September 1958–June 1961, Indivisible Germany: Illusion or Reality?, Government and Politics of Contemporary Berlin, The Struggle for Germany, 1914–1945, Reunification and West German-Soviet Relations: The Role of the Reunification Issue in the Foreign Policy of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949–1957 with Special Attention to Policy toward the Soviet Union, City on Leave: A History of Berlin, 1945–1962, Berlin: Success of a Mission?, Federalism, Bureaucracy, and Party Politics in Western Germany: The Role of the Bundesrat, The Sickle under the Hammer: The Russian Socialist Revolutionaries in the Early Months of Soviet Rule, Political Ideology, Small Town in Mass Society, Government of the Atom: The Integration of Powers, Science and Politics, The Mind of Africa, The Challenge of Africa, Arab Nationalism: An Anthology, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798–1939, Village Government in India, Politics in Southern Asia, Modern Government, The Making of Foreign Policy: An Analysis of Decision-Making, The Politics of Italian Foreign Policy, Politics in the Twentieth Century, Vol. I: The Decline of Democratic Politics, Vol. II: The Importance of American Foreign Policy, Vol. III: The Restoration of American Politics, Power and the Pursuit of Peace, Unarmed Victory, Great Britain or Little England, The General Says No, The United Nations, The United Nations Reconsidered, World Economic Agencies, Communist Economy under Change, The Communist Foreign Trade System, Trade Blocs and Common Markets, The Economics of Middle Eastern Oil, Oil Companies and Governments

1964 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-140
Author(s):  
George E. Gordon Catlin ◽  
M. C. Albrow ◽  
Graham Wootton ◽  
W. J. M. Mackenzie ◽  
J. Blondel ◽  
...  

2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gawdat Bahgat

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in late 1991, the Caspian Sea region has been seen as a potential major oil and natural gas reservoir. For more than a decade, the five nations that share the Caspian—Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Turkmenistan—have sought to develop the basin’s hydrocarbon resources. This paper provides an assessment of these resources and examines two major hurdles: lack of consensus on the legal status of the Caspian and disagreement of the most cost effective pipeline routes. It argues that oil and natural gas from the Caspian is certain to contribute to global energy security. However, the Caspian Sea should not be seen as a replacement to the Persian Gulf.


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