scholarly journals Communities in Fukushima and Chernobyl—Enabling and Inhibiting Factors for Recovery in Nuclear Disaster Areas

2020 ◽  
pp. 211-232
Author(s):  
Tetsuya Okada ◽  
Serhii Cholii ◽  
Dávid Karácsonyi ◽  
Michimasa Matsumoto

Abstract This chapter provides case studies on disaster recovery in the context of community participation. It presents two cases that explore, compare and contrast the nuclear disasters in Chernobyl and Fukushima. Despite differences in the socio-economic circumstances between the Soviet Union (Soviet–Ukraine) in 1986 and Japan in 2011, the Chernobyl and Fukushima disasters provide an opportunity to discuss power relations in disaster management and the role of local communities. These large-scale nuclear disasters are amongst the most traumatic experiences for the disaster-impacted communities worldwide. This chapter discusses the implementation of relocation and resettlement measures with socio-political power relations within and between the stakeholders. The combination of these is shown to significantly affect the everyday lives of those within the communities throughout the recovery process. Along with government documentation, the interviews with evacuees, community leaders and decision-makers conducted between 2012 and 2016 form the basis of the case studies discussed in this chapter.

2016 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 1022-1041 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ville Laamanen

Existing scholarship suggests that Stalin’s Great Terror of 1936–8 seriously undermined Soviet cultural diplomacy and forced its main promoter, the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (VOKS), to succumb to the strict control of the party and secret police. By contrast, this article argues that by the spring and summer of 1939 VOKS was recovering from stagnation and reintroducing customs from before the Great Terror. Through a micro-historical analysis of Finnish writer Olavi Paavolainen’s exceptionally long visit to the Soviet Union between May and August 1939, the article demonstrates how case studies of select VOKS operations can explain many of the dilemmas and peculiarities of Soviet cultural diplomacy during the thus far scantily researched 1939–41 period. By focusing on the interactions between Paavolainen, the VOKS vice-chairman Grigori Kheifets and Soviet writers, the article illustrates that after the purges, VOKS continued its efforts to disseminate a positive and controlled image of Soviet life by complex means that linked propaganda with network-building. Finally, the article highlights the role of individuals in cultural diplomacy and explores how an outsider perceived the Great Terror’s effects on Soviet cultural intelligentsia.


Author(s):  
Alp Kayserilioğlu ◽  
Dorothea Schmidt

In the light of the Charlie Hebdo massacre, this essay seeks to analyse and understand the objective conditions and power relations within the capitalist world system as they have unfolded since the end of the Soviet Union. Its specific point is to understand the role of the leading strategies and practices of imperialism and of socalled „political Islam“within these conditions and power relations. The main strategies aim at fostering bonapartist, fascist and right-wing ideologies at home, in the dominant imperialist countries that is, and structurally reactionary/„Islamist“ ideologies in the periphery to, both, strengthen the leading factions of capital in the imperialist centres. The essay claims that the only viable option for the left is to remain independent of and in active opposition to the strategies of imperialism. Furthermore the left will have to take up the fight against creatures such as the Islamic State that were provided a fertile ground and nurtured by imperialism. It also concludes that the left has to defend and engage its own independent democratic and socialist perspective countering both the powers of imperialism in the centres and reaction in the periphery.


Author(s):  
Khagani Guliyev

This study focuses on the question of the role of the Caspian Sea at a large scale in the current Russian foreign policy. It is noted that though in the historical perspective the Caspian Sea basin had been totally dominated by Russia since the beginning of the 19th century, this domination was contested and considerably reduced after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Paradoxically, in parallel for various reasons exposed in the paper, the Caspian Sea gained more importance in the Russian foreign policy giving rise to new challenges for the future of the Russian power in the region.


1984 ◽  
Vol 100 ◽  
pp. 813-848 ◽  
Author(s):  
Y. Y. Kueh ◽  
Christopher Howe

There are three aspects of China's foreign economic relations which are important to our efforts to understand the Readjustment of 1979–84. These are: (a) the government's general orientation towards foreign economic relations; (b) quantitative trends in investment and trade flows; and, (c) the nature of trade organization and international economic links. The general orientation to trade is critical in a planned economy where central preferences (essentially political) are easily reflected throughout the system. Stalin's policy of autarchy transformed the international role of the Soviet economy, while in China, Mao Zedong's willingness to trade with the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc profoundly changed the character of the Chinese economy between 1953 and 1959. Large-scale plant imports created new industries and enlarged heavy industries established – particularly in the north-east – before 1949. This phase of policy had exhausted itself in China towards the end of the 1950s, although import data for 1959 reflect prior commitments and give little sign of this. However, the reality was that China's capacity to absorb imported capital goods, and the agricultural capacity to sustain foreign exchange earnings at the necessary level, were both weakening even before the dislocations of the Great Leap radically changed the role of foreign trade by converting China from a net food exporter to a net importer.


1976 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 235-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. P. Gerasimov ◽  
S. L. Vendrov ◽  
S. V. Zonn ◽  
A. S. Kes' ◽  
N. T. Kuznetsov ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Yuriy Hanushchak

The article analyzes the participation of the Churches of the Kyiv tradition (these include the UGCC, UOC-MP, UOC-KP, UAOC) in the processes of transition of Ukrainian society from a totalitarian to a democratic system. During this period, the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ukraine's independence and a large-scale democratic Orange Revolution took place. Undoubtedly, just as the Ukrainian Churches joined these events, so did the socio-political vicissitudes themselves influence the formation of the identity and positioning of many Christian denominations. The author considers the role of the UGCC and UAOC in the processes of national uplift and establishment of Ukrainian statehood in the late 80's of the XX century. Given that, the religious factor played an important role in the collapse of the totalitarian state and the establishment of Ukrainian statehood. At the beginning of independence, sovereign Ukraine faced the path of geopolitical choice, and eventually the scales prevailed in the direction of European integration, which gradually began to play an important role in shaping the country's foreign policy. The author finds out the cultural and religious reasons for the geopolitical choice of the majority of Ukrainians. One of the conclusions in the article is the fact that the Ukrainian Churches undoubtedly fall into the field of geopolitical confrontation, some of them choose the path of supporting the European integration process; others, on the contrary, argue in favor of the pro-Russian vector. This civilizational confrontation in society led to the Orange Revolution. As the Churches integrate into public life, one can observe their involvement in the events on Maidan in 2004. The events of the Orange Revolution contributed to the revival of democratic processes in Ukraine. And the experience gained by churches in participating in socio-political vicissitudes has helped to improve communication between churches, rethink their relationship with the state and form new relationships with society.


1992 ◽  
Vol 8 (32) ◽  
pp. 305-312
Author(s):  
Steve Nicholson

In two earlier articles, Steve Nicholson has explored ways in which the the right-wing theatre of the 1920s both shaped and reflected the prevailing opinions of the establishment – in NTQ29 (February 1992) looking at how the Russian Revolution was portrayed on the stage, and in NTQ30 (May 1992) at the ways in which domestic industrial conflicts were presented. He concludes the series with three case studies of the role of the Lord Chamberlain, on whose collection of unpublished manuscripts now housed in the British Library his researches have been based, in preventing more sympathetic – or even more objective – views of Soviet and related subjects from reaching the stage. His analysis is based on a study of the correspondence over the banning of Geo A. DeGray's The Russian Monk, Hubert Griffith's Red Sunday, and a play in translation by a Soviet dramatist, Sergei Tretiakov's Roar China. Steve Nicholson is currently Lecturer in Drama at the Workshop Theatre of the University of Leeds.


Author(s):  
G. M. Kakenova ◽  
◽  
B. S. Sakhova ◽  

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union and independence by the Central Asian countries, each of the countries has chosen its own individual development path and model for building relationships with the world community and with the states of the region (CA). This issue is particularly relevant in the context of major changes caused by the improvement of relations between the countries of the region, the change and transit of power in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan (peacefully without war and revolution). Dramatic changes occurred in foreign and domestic policy in Uzbekistan with the advent of Shavkat Mirziyoyev and the implementation of very serious and large-scale reforms in the country, which led to the rapprochement and improvement of relations between Uzbekistan and all countries of the region in a very short period. The article discusses the initiatives of regional unification by the countries of Central Asia and their measures taken along this path, as well as the role of regional actors and their alternative projects for the countries of the region.


Author(s):  
S. Rustami ◽  

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union and independence by the Central Asian countries, each of the countries has chosen its own individual development path and model for building relationships with the world community and with the states of the region (CA). This issue is particularly relevant in the context of majorchanges caused by the improvement of relations between the countries of the region, the change and transit of power in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan (peacefully without war and revolution). Dramatic changes occurred in foreign and domestic policy in Uzbekistan with the advent of Shavkat Mirziyoyev and the implementation of very serious and large-scale reforms in the country, which led to the rapprochement and improvement of relations between Uzbekistan and all countries of the region in a very short period. The article discusses the initiatives of regional unification by the countries of Central Asia and their measures taken along this path, as well as the role of regional actors and their alternative projects for the countries of the region.


Author(s):  
Joshua Kotin

This book is a new account of utopian writing. It examines how eight writers—Henry David Thoreau, W. E. B. Du Bois, Osip and Nadezhda Mandel'shtam, Anna Akhmatova, Wallace Stevens, Ezra Pound, and J. H. Prynne—construct utopias of one within and against modernity's two large-scale attempts to harmonize individual and collective interests: liberalism and communism. The book begins in the United States between the buildup to the Civil War and the end of Jim Crow; continues in the Soviet Union between Stalinism and the late Soviet period; and concludes in England and the United States between World War I and the end of the Cold War. In this way it captures how writers from disparate geopolitical contexts resist state and normative power to construct perfect worlds—for themselves alone. The book contributes to debates about literature and politics, presenting innovative arguments about aesthetic difficulty, personal autonomy, and complicity and dissent. It models a new approach to transnational and comparative scholarship, combining original research in English and Russian to illuminate more than a century and a half of literary and political history.


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