scholarly journals American security umbrella over the Arab Gulf states "Between the reliability of guarantees and the officacy solutions"

2019 ◽  
pp. 40-56
Author(s):  
Shatha Zaki HASSAN
Keyword(s):  
Strategic Alliance ◽  
The United States ◽  
Fundamental Solutions ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Security Environment ◽  
External Threats ◽  
The Us ◽  
Gulf States ◽  
Arab Gulf ◽  
The Relationship

The Gulf security dilemma is represented by the existence of internal and external threats that have failed to find fundamental solutions to them, and that the fact that the Gulf Cooperation Council states depend on the outside to ensure their security has become a reality after all Gulf efforts to secure a credible and self-reliant security umbrella have failed, despite the huge arsenal of weapons available. On these countries, especially Saudi Arabia. And that the United States intends to be the main actor in the details of the interactions of the Gulf security environment by building a network of different relationships that are its focus. And that the current regional security system is managed by it, and the most prominent of its mechanisms may be the strategic alliance for the Middle East, the renewal of the relationship with the allies, and a set of agreements on security arrangements and security control between the states that make up the Gulf regional system, as it entails a wide number of obligations. Keywords: Security, The Arab Gulf, The US presence, Threats, Stability.

Wary Gulf states will struggle for consensus on Iran

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Comprehensive Plan ◽  
The Us ◽  
Gulf States ◽  
Security Concerns

Significance European-backed negotiations in Vienna to bring the United States and Iran back into compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) nuclear deal have changed the strategic environment for the Gulf states. They look to the US-promised ‘follow-on negotiations’ to meet their regional security concerns, but are also opening direct lines to Tehran. Impacts If direct Iran-GCC negotiations proceed, they will likely focus on practical confidence-boosting measures within the Gulf itself. Reconciliation with Qatar and a new Kuwaiti GCC Secretary General may allow the GCC to play a larger role in any follow-on talks. Emirati and Bahraini (and possibly Saudi) representatives may coordinate US messaging on Iran with Israeli counterparts.

Arab Gulf lobbying in the United States: what makes them win and what makes them lose and why?

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-81
Author(s):  
Dania Koleilat Khatib
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Value ◽  
Gulf State ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Gulf States ◽  
Arab Gulf ◽  
Arab Gulf States

This research looks at attempts by Arab Gulf states to lobby the US government effectively. It explores aspects of their lobbying behaviour in order to identify the factors that lead to success and those that lead to failure from their lobbying endeavours. In this respect, it utilizes two case studies: one in which Arab Gulf state lobbying was successful, and another in which lobbying failed. For each case study, the different elements involved in lobbying are analyzed and factors that lead to success as well as to failure are inferred. In tandem with an analysis of the strategies, or lack of them, behind Arab Gulf states’ lobbying, the research examines additional relevant factors such as the organization and activism of the US Arab American community, the strategic value of the Arab Gulf to the United States, and the negative image of Arabs in America. The research considers the obstacles facing the establishment of an effective Arab Gulf lobby in the United States, mainly the absence of a grassroots base of Arab Americans that is committed to foreign policy issues.

The Impact of the US Factor on India’s Asia Policy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frédéric Grare
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Security Architecture ◽  
The Us ◽  
Zero Sum ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Geographical Locations

The convergence of interests between India and the United States extend to most major regional issues. Both countries intend to pursue regional cooperation and develop an inclusive regional security architecture. Yet significant perception gaps persist between the two countries linked to their asymmetry of power as well as geographical locations. India does not want to be caught in a zero-sum game between China and the United States and remains uncertain about the willingness of the United States to act as a security provider. The relationship is ultimately based on a quid pro quo that takes into account US interests and India’s own constraints. A strong but autonomous India contributes to United States interests in the region.

scholarly journals FROM THEORY TO GRAND STRATEGY: ASSESSING US GOALS IN ARABIA 2001-2018

2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Ayman Saleh Al-Barasneh
Keyword(s):  
Regional Security ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Gulf Region ◽  
Gulf Countries ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
The Us ◽  
Oil Flow ◽  
Gulf States ◽  
Arab Gulf

The study seeks to provide an overarching understanding to the US objectives and policies in the Gulf region at three intersecting levels; strategic interests, regional security and political reform. This study takes United States interactions with Arabia, as a case study, during the period 2001-2018 under the administrations of G.W. Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump. Additionally, the study attempts to generate greater understanding of the dynamics that motivating American international politics and subsequent policies toward the Arab gulf countries through examining the interactions between both systematic and domestic factors. Noticeably, US entrenched vital enduring interests with the Arab Gulf States rested, for approximately seventy years, on protecting oil flow from the region into international economy without interruption, selling arms to the Gulf Arabs and maintaining gulf regional security against any real or potential threats. Therefore, the administrations of Bush, Obama, and Trump were not different from their predecessors in their strategy of preserving gulf security through forward military presence in the region. Hence, the author employs the neorealist theory to understand US interactions with the Gulf countries. Remarkably, despite some scholar's arguments that envisaged the US policies under G.W. Bush and Donald Trump as departed drastically from US conventional policy, the study argues and concludes that the US actual policy towards Arabia reflects a traditional policy of maintaining mutual interests.

The United States and the Iranian Nuclear Programme

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Hurst
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nixon Administration ◽  
Comprehensive Plan ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
The Relationship

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.

From Competition to Cooperation: A History of Canada–US National Park Relations

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terence Young ◽  
Alan MacEachern ◽  
Lary Dilsaver
Keyword(s):  
National Parks ◽  
National Park ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
Park Service ◽  
Settler Societies ◽  
History Of ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
Flow Of Information ◽  
The Relationship

This essay explores the evolving international relationship of the two national park agencies that in 1968 began to offer joint training classes for protected-area managers from around the world. Within the British settler societies that dominated nineteenth century park-making, the United States’ National Park Service (NPS) and Canada’s National Parks Branch were the most closely linked and most frequently cooperative. Contrary to campfire myths and nationalist narratives, however, the relationship was not a one-way flow of information and motivation from the US to Canada. Indeed, the latter boasted a park bureaucracy before the NPS was established. The relationship of the two nations’ park leaders in the half century leading up to 1968 demonstrates the complexity of defining the influences on park management and its diffusion from one country to another.

Conclusion

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frédéric Grare
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Slow Pace ◽  
Centre Of Gravity ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Future ◽  
Economic Interaction ◽  
The Asymmetry ◽  
The Relationship

India’s relationship with the United States remains crucial to its own objectives, but is also ambiguous. The asymmetry of power between the two countries is such that the relationship, if potentially useful, is not necessary for the United States while potentially risky for India. Moreover, the shift of the political centre of gravity of Asia — resulting from the growing rivalry between China and the US — is eroding the foundations of India’s policy in Asia, while prospects for greater economic interaction is limited by India’s slow pace of reforms. The future of India-US relations lies in their capacity to evolve a new quid pro quo in which the US will formulate its expectations in more realistic terms while India would assume a larger share of the burden of Asia’ security.

scholarly journals I am smart, therefore I can: examining the relationship between IQ and self-efficacy across cultures

2011 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Diomaris E.S. Jurecska ◽  
Chloe E. Lee ◽  
Kelly B.T. Chang ◽  
Elizabeth Sequeira
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central America ◽  
Self Efficacy ◽  
School Administrators ◽  
The United States ◽  
Female Students ◽  
Intellectual Abilities ◽  
The Us ◽  
Iq Scores ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract The purpose of this article is to examine the relationship between intelligence (IQ) and self-efficacy in children and adolescents living in the United States and Nicaragua. The sample consisted of 90 (46 male, 44 female) students (mean age=11.57 years, SD=3.0 years) referred by school administrators and faculty. United States (US) participants (n=27) resided in rural counties in the Northwest. The other group consisted of 63 students from Central America. A comparison between groups revealed that in the US, sample higher grades and IQ scores are typically associated with higher levels of self-efficacy. However in the Nicaraguan sample, both IQ scores and grades were not associated with self-efficacy, although age was correlated with self-efficacy. Results suggest that the construct of self-efficacy might change depending on whether one belongs to an individualistic or collectivistic society. Additionally, the effects of socioeconomic factors might influence perceived ability even more than intellectual abilities.

The legacy of Admiral von Tirpitz: a geopolitical understanding of China's naval buildup through sea-denial strategies

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Paolo Pizzolo
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Current Debate ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Power Projection ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Us ◽  
Sea Power ◽  
Military Development ◽  
Maritime Strategy

Abstract As manifest challenger of the United States (US)-led international order, the People's Republic of China (PRC) has inaugurated a revisionist strategy that encompasses a multifaceted spectrum of initiatives, including an ambitious naval military build-up. History has shown that revisionist and challenging powers tend to defy the established order through arm races. US Admiral Mahan and German Admiral Tirpitz theorized two different approaches to naval strategy, the former focusing on global maritime hegemony and the latter on regional counterbalance based on risk theory. This article attempts at explaining the puzzle of China's naval buildup through the lenses of geopolitics, adding a geopolitical dimension to the current debate. It suggests that the PRC's naval military development does not follow a Mahanian global maritime strategy aimed at challenging the US primacy worldwide, but rather a Tirpitzian regional approach focused on counterbalancing the US presence within the scope of China's sea power projection, that is, the Pacific region. To substantiate this hypothesis, the study compares diachronically contemporary Chinese naval arm race with Wilhelmine Germany's High Seas Fleet. The findings underscore that, in maritime terms, China's revisionism vis-à-vis the US somewhat resembles that of Imperial Germany vis-à-vis Imperial Britain, both aiming at regional counterbalance and anti-access and area-denial (A2/AD) tactics rather than global maritime counterhegemony. Although Chinese sea power is still far from posing a serious threat to that of the US and its allies, an unrestrained continuation of Beijing's naval buildup could encourage arms races and direct confrontation due to regional security dilemmas.

Defense and Security

2020 ◽  
pp. 209-236
Author(s):  
Kristian Coates Ulrichsen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The United States ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Threat Perception ◽  
Security Architecture ◽  
Strategic Investment ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Gulf States ◽  
The Common

This chapter documents how Qatari policymakers strengthened existing defense and security relationships with key Western partners, notably the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and other European states, as well as how ties with ‘newer’ partners, notably Turkey, China, and Russia diversified and expanded the Qatari defense and security portfolio. The chapter also examines how an indigenous strategic industrial capability emerged with the formation of Barzan Holdings, the strategic investment arm of the Qatari Ministry of Defense, and assesses what the fracturing of the GCC – and especially of the common threat perception among the six Gulf States – means for the regional security architecture more broadly.

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