2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 497 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Cervini

Antony Anghie’s book Imperialism, Sovereignty and the Making of International Law ambitiously seeks to retell the history of international law from the standpoint of the developing world. This book covers five centuries of international law, through three different but related approaches: an historical approach which documents modern international law from colonial times to the present; a jurisprudential- philosophical approach which attempts to tease out the important concepts and theories behind international law; and a political approach which seeks to understand international law from the perspective of great-power politics, economic development, globalization and nation building.


Author(s):  
Samuel Moyn

Abstract For a time in the 1960s it seemed as if one domain in which the global south’s enthusiastic struggle to arrogate the mantle of universalism as an exercise in “worldmaking” was the transformation of international law. Though this struggle was ultimately circumvented by great power politics and newer forms of international law and organization, it was a crucial moment. The introductory prosopographical survey that follows seeks to recapture the consensus of a set of northern and southern international lawyers in the 1960s who saw potential in the project of transforming their field to register the aims of a new epoch – the aims of postcolonial states.


2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathias Albert ◽  
Andreas Vasilache

Linked to the image of a wild and still-to-be-explored territory, as well as to images of the region as one of new economic opportunities, discourses on the Arctic also tie in with issues of climate change, cooperation and conflict, Arctic governance, international law and the situation and rights of indigenous people, as well as Great Power politics. Taken together, these aspects characterize a region whose formation is different from regionalization processes in other parts of the world. As the regional peculiarity of the Arctic is reflected by a variety and plurality of representations, discourses, perceptions and imaginaries, it can usefully be analyzed as a region of unfolding governmentality. The present article argues that the prospects for the Arctic are strongly intertwined with perceptions and depictions of it as an international region subject to emerging practices of governmentality. By drawing on both Foucault’s texts and governmentality studies in international relations (IR), we discuss how the Arctic is affected by governmental security rationalities, by specific logics of political economy and order-building, as well as becoming a subject for biopolitical rationalizations and imaginaries. The discourses and practices of governmentality that permeate the Arctic contribute to its spatial, figurative and political reframing and are aimed at making it a governable region that can be addressed by, and accessible for, ordering rationalities and measures.


2006 ◽  
Vol 85 (3) ◽  
pp. 153
Author(s):  
G. John Ikenberry ◽  
Mark L. Haas

Urbanisation ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 245574712091318
Author(s):  
Ian Klaus

Cities have organised into a global collective voice. Doing so has required diplomatic maturation and resulted in new diplomatic standing. Both these developments will be tested with the return of great power politics.


2009 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Mousseau

Democracy does not cause peace among nations. Rather, domestic conditions cause both democracy and peace. From 1961 to 2001, democratic nations engaged in numerous fatal conflicts with each other, including at least one war, yet not a single fatal militarized incident occurred between nations with contract-intensive economies—those where most people have the opportunity to participate in the market. In contract-intensive economies, individuals learn to respect the choices of others and value equal application of the law. They demand liberal democracy at home and perceive it in their interest to respect the rights of nations and international law abroad. The consequences involve more than just peace: the contract-intensive democracies are in natural alliance against any actor—state or nonstate—that seeks to challenge Westphalian law and order. Because China and Russia lack contractualist economies, the economic divide will define great power politics in the coming decade. To address the challenges posed by China and Russia, preserve the Westphalian order, and secure their citizens from terrorism, the contract-intensive powers should focus their efforts on supporting global economic opportunity, rather than on promoting democracy.


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