A Constituency Theory for the Conditional Impact of Female Presidents

2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Reyes-Housholder
Keyword(s):  
2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 1359-1379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan E Carlin ◽  
Miguel Carreras ◽  
Gregory J Love

AbstractPublic approval is a crucial source of executive power in presidential systems. Does the public support female and male presidents similarly? Combining insights from gender and politics research with psychological evidence, this study theorizes sex-based differentials in popularity based on more general expectations linking gender stereotypes to diverging performance evaluations. Using quarterly analyses of eighteen Latin American democracies, South Korea and the Philippines, the analyses compare the levels, dynamics, and policy performance of macro-approval for male and female presidents. As expected, female presidents are less popular, experience exaggerated approval dynamics and their approval is more responsive to security and corruption (though not economic) outcomes. These findings have clear implications for our understandings of mass politics, political accountability and presidentialism.


2016 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 890-909 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúl L Madrid ◽  
Matthew Rhodes-Purdy

Does descriptive representation matter? We analyze the impact of descriptive representation on regime support among women and the self-identified indigenous population in Latin America. We find that having a female president does not have a consistent impact on regime support among Latin American women, but that the election of an indigenous president has significantly boosted regime support among indigenous people in Bolivia. We suggest that ethnic representation has had a greater impact than gender representation on regime support in the region for a couple of reasons. First, in Latin America, ethnicity is much more highly correlated than gender with other variables that are known to shape political attitudes, such as class, education, region, and area of residence. Second, ethnicity has been a more salient factor in elections and governing than has gender in those countries that have elected indigenous or female presidents.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 127-149
Author(s):  
Paulina Szeląg

The Republic of Kosovo was created several years after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Its problems were visible during Josip Broz Tito’s presidency. Over the last ten years Kosovo has had two female presidents. The question is, what is the position of women on the Kosovan political scene? This phenomenon is particularly significant from the point of view of the post-conflict reconstruction of the state. The aim of this article is to analyse the evolution of the role of Kosovo Albanian women in the politics of Kosovo at the central level. For this reason, the article includes women involved in the armed conflict in Kosovo, especially in the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, alb. Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës, UÇK). The author also presents the role of women in the Kosovan political arena since 1999, with particular emphasis on changes that took place after the declaration of independence of Kosovo. Furthermore, the author examines the profiles of selected female politicians. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, the comparative and historical method, and an analysis of statistical data.


With considerable efforts, women have made remarkable progress and have become increasingly present in the sporting phenomenon, both as athletes and in various management positions. However, compared to men, they are still under-represented in the management positions of sports organizations, especially at senior management levels. According to the European Institute for Gender Equality (European Commission, 2014), the percentage of women in management positions in leading sports organizations was very low in 2014 (an average of 10%); also, out of 52 European sports federations, 20 had no women on their federal boards and only two had women as presidents. In 2017, out of the 74 national sports federations in our country, only 7 had female presidents. We should also not forget that there are still situations where women are paid less than men for work of equal value (according to the same European Institute for Gender Equality, women would earn 2 euros per hour less than men, on average). Given these data, we wanted to identify the difficulties encountered by women in managerial careers. For our study, we conducted a series of interviews with women managers in sport organizations from our country. The interviews had pre-determined questions and were focused on issues such as: gender discrimination, differences in remuneration between women and men, barriers and obstacles to promoting at work, difficulties and limitations encountered by women in pursuing their managerial careers


Author(s):  
Tiffany D. Barnes ◽  
Mark P. Jones

Tiffany D. Barnes and Mark P. Jones provide an analysis of women’s representation in Argentina. Argentina no longer retains the title of the most successful case of women’s representation in the region. Women’s legislative representation is just over the quota threshold—33%. They point out that the country has had more female presidents than any other Latin American country but lags behind in women’s representation among subnational executives, in national and subnational cabinets, and in party leadership. Gender quotas and electoral rules explain legislative representation, while political factors and informal institutions related to party selection processes for candidate and elected leadership positions are key for executives and parties. The consequences of women’s representation in Argentina have been significant in getting women’s issues represented and increasing men’s and women’s trust in government, and political engagement of women highlights that quotas have had pros and cons for women in Argentina.


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