President's Kitchen Cabinet

Author(s):  
Adrian Miller

This book provides a historical survey of African Americans involved in food service for U.S. presidents and the First Families. The main themes of this book are that these African Americans were culinary artists, family confidantes, and, at times, civil rights advocates. Instead of going by chronological order through each presidential administration, the book is organized by investigating different categories of presidential food service professionals: bartender, butler, caterer, chef, cook, guest chef, maid, maître d'hôtel, steward, and usher. Within each category, select African Americans are profiled. The profiles detail: the personal backgrounds of the presidential cooks; how they entered presidential food service; the material conditions of their workspace; what their typical day was like; how the racial attitudes of the president, the First Family, in Washington, D.C. and the broader society and the society around them have affected their status as White House workers and their workplace; and how they related to the presidents for whom they worked. The book also illuminates the different approaches that U.S. presidents have had towards the food operations at the executive residence, whether that be at the White House, or when the president travels elsewhere. The book concludes with a look at how the contemporary White House kitchen operates, how it inspires young people to the profession, and the prospects for future African American presidential chefs. Each chapter ends with actual presidential recipes or some inspired by select U.S. presidents.

Author(s):  
Terrence T. Tucker

This chapter explores radicalization of comic rage in Douglas Turner Ward’s Day of Absence and Ishmael Reed’s Flight to Canada. Emerging in the middle of the transition from the integrationist period of the civil rights movement to the nationalism of the Black Power movement, both works openly challenge fundamental concepts about race. In addition to targeting fundamental assumptions of Western superiority, these works also question simplistic counter-representations that African Americans present to combat racist stereotypes. Using forms increasingly important in African American literature, like drama and neo-slave narratives, these works enact comic rage as way to depict unique and powerful forms of resistance.


2021 ◽  
pp. 101-138
Author(s):  
Thomas A. Guglielmo

Chapter 3 examines African Americans’ struggle to integrate military units during World War II. Integration of this kind became for the first time ever a core element of black people’s civil rights demands, around which growing numbers of them and their allies rallied during the war. Their efforts fell far short of their intended goal. The forces in favor of the segregated status quo—Congress and the White House, military brass and military tradition, federal law and white public opinion—proved too formidable. Even so, African Americans’ wartime integrationist struggle laid the foundation for the postwar desegregation of the armed forces.


Author(s):  
Lindon Barrett

This chapter turns to the personal and in some cases domestic issues facing African Americans in the antebellum period. Turning from Douglass's classic 1845 Narrative to Harriet Jacobs's Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl (1861)—which receives central consideration in this chapter—Barrett also considers Mary Prince's The History of Mary Prince, a West Indian Slave (1831), Ellen and William Craft's Running a Thousand Miles for Freedom (1860), and James C. Pennington's The Fugitive Blacksmith (1849) as antebellum representations of how African American bodies connect both public and private rights in the struggle for the abolition of slavery and thus are foundational to the subsequent civil rights movement.


Author(s):  
Felix L. Armfield

A leading African American intellectual of the early twentieth century, Eugene Kinckle Jones (1885–1954) was instrumental in professionalizing black social work in America. In his role as executive secretary of the National Urban League, Jones worked closely with social reformers who advocated on behalf of African Americans and against racial discrimination in the United States. Coinciding with the Great Migration of African Americans to northern urban centers, Jones' activities on behalf of the Urban League included campaigning for equal hiring practices, advocating for the inclusion of black workers in labor unions, and promoting the importance of vocational training and social work for members of the black community. Drawing on rich interviews with Jones' colleagues and associates, as well as recently opened family and Urban League papers, the book freshly examines the growth of African American communities and the new roles played by social workers. In calling attention to the need for black social workers in the midst of the Great Migration, Jones and his colleagues sought to address problems stemming from race and class conflicts from within the community. This book blends the biography of a significant black leader with an in-depth discussion of the roles of black institutions and organizations to study the evolution of African American life immediately before the civil rights era.


2010 ◽  
Vol 104 (4) ◽  
pp. 681-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
SIMON STOW

What does the furor over the “politicization” of Coretta Scott King's funeral reveal about contemporary black mourning practices? What does it reveal about black political thought, rhetoric, and practice? Identifying two key modes of mourning and their concomitant conceptions of democracy, this article situates the funeral within a tradition of self-consciously political responses to loss that played a significant role in abolitionism and the struggle for civil rights. Tracing the tradition's origins, and employing the speeches of Frederick Douglass as an exemplar, it considers the approach's democratic value and the consequences of its failure. Arguing that the response to the King funeral indicates that the tradition is in decline, the article locates causes of this decline in significant changes among the black population and in the complex consequences of the tradition's previous successes. It concludes by considering the decline's potentially negative impact, both for African Americans and for the broader political community.


2003 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven H. Wilson

The landmark 1954 decisionBrown v. Board of Educationhas shaped trial lawyers' approaches to litigating civil rights claims and law professors' approaches to teaching the law's powers and limitations. The court-ordered desegregation of the nation's schools, moreover, inspired subsequent lawsuits by African Americans aimed variously at ending racial distinctions in housing, employment, and voting rights. Litigation to enforce theBrowndecision and similar mandates brought slow but steady progress and inspired members of various other minorities to appropriate the rhetoric, organizing methods, and legal strategy of the African American civil rights struggle.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Cottrell ◽  
Michael C. Herron ◽  
Javier M. Rodriguez ◽  
Daniel A. Smith

On account of poor living conditions, African Americans in the United States experience disproportionately high rates of mortality and incarceration compared with Whites. This has profoundly diminished the number of voting-eligible African Americans in the country, costing, as of 2010, approximately 3.9 million African American men and women the right to vote and amounting to a national African American disenfranchisement rate of 13.2%. Although many disenfranchised African Americans have been stripped of voting rights by laws targeting felons and ex-felons, the majority are literally “missing” from their communities due to premature death and incarceration. Leveraging variation in gender ratios across the United States, we show that missing African Americans are concentrated in the country’s Southeast and that African American disenfranchisement rates in some legislative districts lie between 20% and 40%. Despite the many successes of the Voting Rights Act and the civil rights movement, high levels of African American disenfranchisement remain a continuing feature of the American polity.


Author(s):  
Leah Wright Rigueur

Covering more than four decades of American social and political history, this book examines the ideas and actions of black Republican activists, officials, and politicians, from the era of the New Deal to Ronald Reagan's presidential ascent in 1980. Their unique stories reveal African Americans fighting for an alternative economic and civil rights movement—even as the Republican Party appeared increasingly hostile to that very idea. Black party members attempted to influence the direction of conservatism—not to destroy it, but rather to expand the ideology to include black needs and interests. As racial minorities in their political party and as political minorities within their community, black Republicans occupied an irreconcilable position—they were shunned by African American communities and subordinated by the Grand Old Party (GOP). In response, black Republicans vocally, and at times viciously, critiqued members of their race and party, in an effort to shape the attitudes and public images of black citizens and the GOP. Moving beyond traditional liberalism and conservatism, black Republicans sought to address African American racial experiences in a distinctly Republican way. This book provides a new understanding of the interaction between African Americans and the Republican Party, and the seemingly incongruous intersection of civil rights and American conservatism.


Author(s):  
David J. Bettez

This chapter discusses the dilemma of African Americans: whether to support a war to make America safe for democracy, even though they were often denied civil rights and democratic freedoms such as the right to vote. Louisville African American resident and newspaperman Roscoe Conklin Simmons supported the US entry into the war and tried to rally Kentucky blacks to the war effort. Black newspaper publisher Phil Brown of Hopkinsville was also active in this endeavor. He initially assisted federal food administrator Fred Sackett in food conservation efforts and then turned his attention to garnering and organizing black support for other war-support activities. This included African Americans who joined the military, many of whom trained at Camp Taylor. The chapter includes the experiences of Austin Kinnaird, a white officer from Louisville who commanded black troops, and Charles Lewis, a black soldier still in uniform when he was lynched in Fulton County a month after the armistice.


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