For New Afrikan People’s War

Free the Land ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 184-204
Author(s):  
Edward Onaci

This chapter considers the New Afrikan Independence Movement beyond the PG-RNA. It highlights some of the organizations and parties that struggled for New Afrikan independence alongside the Obadele-led formation. Groups such as the New Afrikan People’s Organization shared varying, though similar, interpretations of what New Afrikans could achieve. These included helping to build the reparations movement in America. New Afrikans’ unique approach connected the reparations claim to questions about the Fourteenth Amendment and how the federal government applied it to people of African descent. Another distinction was the PG-RNA’s interpretation of UN language about national self-determination for historically oppressed groups. From its foundations in the RNA Declaration of Independence, the New Afrikan reparations claim eventually made its way into the formation of the National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America in 1989. Therefore, this chapter shows how New Afrikan politics have informed certain aspects of the broader black political agenda into the twenty-first century.

Ethnopolitics ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 540-546 ◽  
Author(s):  
Montserrat Guibernau

Author(s):  
Daniel Kerekes

The study uses the 2017 parliamentary elections results to analyses spatial patterns of votes in the city of Prague. A unique approach combining contextual and compositional data is introduced. Census data and data indicating the quality of life are reassigned to a shared entity – an address point, and analysed via automatic linear modelling. The model explained 69 % of spatial variance of votes share for the conservative TOP 09 party and the winning ANO 2011 movement, but only 19  % for the Pirate Party and the Mayors and Independence movement. Future research might focus on finding variables which would explain spatial variance of these parties’ vote shares. Abother possibility is the development of a methodology for studying votes spatiality within urban areas, in order to develop a robust theory.


Author(s):  
Barbara Ransby

In this chapter the author reflects on what it means to be a black female historian in the twenty-first century. She challenges those who argue that it should simply mean being a good scholar and that notions of race and gender are anachronisms. She draws from her personal experiences in graduate school and in the academy as well as those of many other female historians of African descent to reflect on the slow and erratic progress but also persistent, intractable prejudice augmented by decades of institutional racism. She also elaborates on the significance of political activism, parenting, and mentors to her work and her life.


Author(s):  
Sara Busdiecker

Chapter examines the historical and contemporary roots of Afro-Chilean invisibility and the nature and trajectory of collective organising that has only recently emerged among Afro-Chileans in response. It reflects on the ways in which the desire and need for Afro-Chilean activism since the turn of the twenty-first century, in this forgotten corner of the global African diaspora, highlights the temporally and spatially enduring nature of the struggles for equality among African-descended peoples. Within this context and using specific examples, the chapter shows how the activities and demands of multiple organisations based around shared African descent have helped to redefine notions of belonging in Chile and, in turn, challenge traditional expectations of what it means to be Chilean.


The Hijaz ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 155-204
Author(s):  
Malik R. Dahlan

Chapter 6 is an international legal examination of the status of The Hijaz in the aftermath of its conquest and absorption into a Saudi personal union. It discusses the impact of the 1933 Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States as well as the Territorial Principle. The Chapter tackles the legal question of secession and warns against the pitfalls of the ‘Self-Determination Trap’. It draws lessons from the difference between involuntary extinction of states as opposed to their creation. By looking at the cases of Czechoslovakia and Quebec it tackles the issue of ‘the Right to Secession by Agreement’. The Chapter reflects on lessons from Scotland, Catalan and Kurdistan highlighting that The Hijaz presents us with a delicate and nuanced understanding of ‘Internal Self-Determination’ and ‘Autonomy’ establishing, de facto, an international legal status of “Self-Determination Spectrum Disorder”. A special status calls for an active and special legal solution. The notion of a broader integrative role for The Hijaz and the broader Islamic world. The potential integrative institutionalization of The Hijaz is investigated bringing to bare a unique approach to self-determination that would entail coupling autonomy with international territorial administration. The propositions under this Chapter are supported by looking at other sui generis entities such as the Holy See being sovereigns without being states.


2000 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael E. Kraft

Environmental policy and politics in the United States have changed dramatically over the past three decades. What began in the late 1960s as an heroic effort by an incipient environmental movement to conserve dwindling natural resources and prevent further deterioration of the air, water, and land has been transformed over more than three decades into an extraordinarily complex, diverse, and often controversial array of environmental policies. Those policies occupy a continuing position of high visibility on the political agenda at all levels of government, and environmental values are widely embraced by the American public. Yet throughout the 1990s environmental policies and programs were characterized as much by sharp political conflict as by the consensus over policy goals and means that reigned during the early to mid-1970s. As the twenty-first century approaches, there is considerable value in looking back at this exceptional period to under-stand the nature of the transformation and its implications for the future.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 608-636
Author(s):  
Maria Rodó-Zárate

AbstractDebates on nation, self-determination, and nationalism tend to ignore the gender dimension, women's experiences, and feminist proposals on such issues. In turn, feminist discussions on the intersection of oppressions generally avoid the national identity of stateless nations as a source of oppression. In this article, I relate feminism and nationalism through an intersectional framework in the context of the Catalan pro-independence movement. Since the 1970s, Catalan feminists have been developing theories and practices that relate gender and nationality from an intersectional perspective, which may challenge hegemonic genealogies of intersectionality and general assumptions about the relation between nationalism and gender. Focusing on developments made by feminist activists from past and present times, I argue that women are key agents in national construction and that situated intersectional frameworks may provide new insights into relations among axes of inequalities beyond the Anglocentric perspective.


1990 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 787-806 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chizuko T. Allen

Ch'oe namsŏn (1890–1957) was a leading Korean intellectual during the era of Japanese control (1910–1945). His activities included publishing Korea's first popular modern magazine, pioneering modern poetry in Korean, drafting the Declaration of Independence for the 1919 March First Independence Movement, and publishing numerous articles on Korean culture. He was also a leading Korean historian at a time when Japanese scholars monopolized Korean studies.


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