Geopolitical Challenges

This geopolitical Chapter covers the impact of decolonization on Arab statehood and the challenge to accept the new order. It includes a discussion on the revival and reform of Arab self-determination after the mandate system was submerged. It gives an overview of independence and models of statehood. It describes the emergence of new states after the Second World War including: Saudi Arabia, the liberal monarchy model; Iran and Turkey, the secular western models. This Chapter also discusses failed attempts at regional organisation - ‘Arab disorganization’- including the United Arab Republic, the short-lived political union between Syria and Egypt between 1958 and 1961. Existing attempts at international Islamic organization in the form of the League of Arab States (now the Arab League) and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) are also discussed here. The common theme being a recognition of the importance of governance and of the Islamic worldview but ultimately a failure to unite and provide alternative structures to effectively compete with inherited Westphalian structures. In a chronological progression it covers the Cold War era leading up to the Mujahideen in Afghanistan, Taliban, Al-Qaida and Daesh neo medievalism.

International Law and its Impact on The Hijaz

Chapter 6 is an international legal examination of the status of The Hijaz in the aftermath of its conquest and absorption into a Saudi personal union. It discusses the impact of the 1933 Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States as well as the Territorial Principle. The Chapter tackles the legal question of secession and warns against the pitfalls of the ‘Self-Determination Trap’. It draws lessons from the difference between involuntary extinction of states as opposed to their creation. By looking at the cases of Czechoslovakia and Quebec it tackles the issue of ‘the Right to Secession by Agreement’. The Chapter reflects on lessons from Scotland, Catalan and Kurdistan highlighting that The Hijaz presents us with a delicate and nuanced understanding of ‘Internal Self-Determination’ and ‘Autonomy’ establishing, de facto, an international legal status of “Self-Determination Spectrum Disorder”. A special status calls for an active and special legal solution. The notion of a broader integrative role for The Hijaz and the broader Islamic world. The potential integrative institutionalization of The Hijaz is investigated bringing to bare a unique approach to self-determination that would entail coupling autonomy with international territorial administration. The propositions under this Chapter are supported by looking at other sui generis entities such as the Holy See being sovereigns without being states.

Arab Self-Determination and the Rise of the Modern State

This chapter covers Arab self-determination: as a wide Arab national self-determination movement that engages a worldview with the new international order imposed by WW1. It covers Arab Nationalism: The Great Arab Revolt of 1916; The British Alliance with the Arab Nationalist Movement; The Kingdom of Hijaz declaration of Arab independence; French and German outlook on Arab statehood; The era of the League of Nations; The Mandate System and Its Legal Challenges; Arab Representation in the Paris Peace Conference; San Remo conference and finally; the collapse of the Hijazi–British alliance.

Introduction

Provides a broad overview of the centrality of The Hijaz as well as Saudi Arabia and the Holy Land today. It explains why The Hijaz is relevant as Islamic statecraft, collective identity and statesmanship. It deals directly with methodology of the research and the problems of historiography and the encounters with international law. It provides an extensive treatment of statehood by explaining the negotiation between crucial ideas of the Westphalian nation-state and the Islamic worldview of the state and the caliphate. It maps out in detail the scope and value of modern literature and secondary sources and provides an extensive section on archival theory and literature review of The Hijaz. As a precursor for this “hidden narrative,” the study traces the origins of Islamic statehood over a thousand years back to find the “idealized state” in the venture of Islam- The Hijaz.

The Ideological Drivers of Submerged Statehood in the Afterlife of The Hijaz

This Chapter focuses on the idea of positive vs. negative space in ideology and religion. It discusses Islamic revivalism and Wahhabism in detail in the context of statehood. discuss the fragility of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, as well as Iran- the Islamic Republic. It considers the religious and cultural differences within the region noting in particular Shi’ite and Sunni peculiarities. It also covers the views and ideologies of al-Qaeda and Daesh. It covers in great detail Islamic governance and thereby dispels the false claims and doctrines of post-modernist al-Qaeda and neo-medievalist Daesh which seeks absolute control of religion, population and, imperial territory. The Chapter looks at counter efforts, namely, Islamic Centrism, by using historical evidence to demonstrate the characteristics of pan Islamic governance as a positive space in The Hijaz.

Hijazi Self-Determination and the New International System

This chapter covers Hijazi self-determination: as an experimentation of Hijazi nationalism through “ethnicity” and “territoriality” concepts of international law. The chapters cover the promulgation of the Arab Revolt and Arab self-determination, the dictating rules of international law, Arab nationalist movements as well as the claim over the institution of the Caliphate. It explores Hijaz nationalism after the breakdown of the dream of a unitary “Arab State” and its status in the League of Nations. The analogy brings in critical legal studies mirroring the past and drawing lessons from Japan and its denied discourse. The chapter covers the invasion and legal treatment of the conquest of The Hijaz and the Taif Massacre and rise of a new Islamic state led by the Wahhabi movement and recognized, ultimately, as a state by the Allies – Saudi Arabia. At this point The Hijaz transitions from being the subject of colonialism to the object of it in the new Islamic state. It covers Imam Ibn Saud’s negotiations with The Hijaz nationalist movement to safe statehood and his promise of Hijazi self-government under the principle of “The is for the Hijazis” to The Hijaz and the Islamic World. It also discusses the Hijaz National Liberation Movement against the British and new religious rule.

Islamic Self-Determination and the International Legal System

Chapter 5 expands on the notion of self-determination, beyond the traditional nation-state, into the Islamic context. This is done by explaining (i) the pan-Islamic rise in reaction to the new international legal system (ii) the rejection of the colonial mandate system, which jeopardized the existence of The Hijaz as an independent unit of international law; and (iii) covering details of the Fall of the Caliphate and the Islamic diplomatic efforts for its preservation. The discussion in this part of the book highlights what was the original Islamic state as opposed to the states that were League of Nations additions including Iraq, Jordan, Syria and Palestine.

Idealized Statehood

This chapter covers the birth and progression of Islamic statehood policy and governance. It begins by laying out a context for The Hijaz state. Chapter 1 crucially defines the key governance features in the Caliphate including leadership selection. It explores the idealized pre-modern state and the unique Islamic “nationalist historiography” going back over 1500 years to examine the transitions and development of Islam, the Shari’a objectives of statecraft and the political economic evolution of the state.

Conclusion

The afterlife of The Hijaz) statehood and the right of self-determination) this chapter calls for finding the lost space in Islamic governance and advocates for an inclusive form of statehood. The policy proposal is that The Hijaz become the fountainhead of Islamic governance and organization, in this way reinventing relations between Islam with Saudi Arabia. The book does not in any way advocates a caliphate. The conclusion suggests the development of a soft form regionalism which considers Islamic norms and does not merely seek to replicate western structures. The book concludes with an emphasis of the potential for The Hijaz to have an integrative value at multiple levels; for (i) its own benefit and that of Saudi Arabia; (ii) the benefit of the Arab world; (iii) the benefit of the Islamic world (including Iran); (iv) the development of a global relationship and world relations between Islamic states, Muslim constituencies and the rest of the world and finally; (iv) the heritage of all mankind, being the focal point for almost a quarter of the world’s population and the logical starting place in which the West, Islam and the Middle East can remedy and rebuild their encounters.

The Reluctant Hijaz

Chapter 9 recaptures key elements and Islamic legitimate policy principles of public good to create the positive space for Islam in The Hijaz. It makes a case for integration in The Hijaz in order to create an international system for the resolution of disputes in the Region. Given its history and centrality to Islam, The Hijaz offers integrative value for Saudi Arabia, the Arabian Peninsula and the international Islamic community as a whole. This value presents a potential solution to the crisis in the Middle East, a regional solution which, vitally, is rooted in Islamic doctrine and does not necessitate Western imperial influence.