scholarly journals The Role of the Qods Force in the Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran

Author(s):  
Ardavan Khoshnood

The establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) in 1979 had a great impact on the question of security in both the region and outside of the Middle East. The foreign policy of the new republic would show hostility and aggression as terrorism became its modus operandi. In order to safeguard the newly established regime and the revolution, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (Pasdaran) was established, of which its external branch was named the Qods Force (QF). By reviewing scholarly works and regime publications, the current article aims to study and analyze the foreign policy of the IRI and the role of the QF in it. As the IRI is today deemed to be a sponsor of terrorism, and as the tensions between the IRI and the United States have increased since the Pasdaran and its QF was designated a terrorist organization, the role of the QF in the foreign policy of the IRI is even more important. This article shows that even though terrorism through the QF is still the modus operandi of the IRI, the QF has through the years evolved and uses other methods in order to influence and cement the power of the IRI in the international arena. The article also concludes that it is highly unlikely for the IRI to be reformed as long as the current leadership and establishment continue to rule, and if the regime feels threatened, it will almost certainly use terrorism and violence in order to guarantee its survival.

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hamid Sarmadi

US foreign policy during the Obama administration, especially in the second term, has focused to resolve its international crises in the Middle East and tried to resolve the Iranian nuclear issue. In the current article, different approaches are brought forth in the field of discerning deterrence mechanisms that are feasible against asymmetric hazards. In the following, the attempts has been made to answer the question of how deterrence can be utilized as a mechanism to face asymmetric threats, and what role can Iran's nuclear program play in deterring countries in power in this process?. Hence, from the analysis of the mentioned model, we will present the main and major assumptions of the current article under four headings: deterrent measures, coercive measures, anti-deployment measures and counter-offensive measures. The tensions between Iran and the West are not the product of Iran's nuclear program, but are based on the religious ideology of the Iranian government and Israel's presence in the region, although the role of some Arab countries, especially Saudi Arabia, should not be disregarded. The hypothesis under consideration is that US foreign policy in the Iranian nuclear case has been directed towards the interaction of national interests by following the rational, organizational and bureaucratic model of decision-making models. The result of the research is that think tanks are very determining in leading the US government to the White House foreign policy decision-maker towards Iran, so that diplomacy actors cannot escape it. And public opinion seeks to make Iran's nuclear energy dangerous and to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon as a serious threat to humanity. Though, the Islamic Republic of Iran, with its power to obtain nuclear weapons, does not intend to build a nuclear bomb, nor does it intend to make the world insecure. The power of reaching to a nuclear weapon can play a key and major role for Iran as a deterrent, and Iran intends to use nuclear energy not to build a bomb but to make it peaceful.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 216-238
Author(s):  
S. M. Mirmohammad Sadeghi ◽  
R. Hajimineh

«Soft power» is a set of activities designed by a government or regional and international actors aimed to influence external public opinion, promote external image or attract support for a particular policy, which is implemented through all the available tools and new technologies. The non-governmental actors also play an effective and important role in this diplomacy. Considering the public diplomacy and soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran as a deliberate and conscious approach can be of great importance in the country's grand strategies that will strengthen national interests in the domestic sphere and influence them at regional and global levels. The article analyzes the role of Iran’s soft power in confronting Iranophobia. The study is aimed at presenting a theoretical definition of public diplomacy and soft power in foreign policy and international system, and then examines its role in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran with an emphasis on confronting Iranophobia.The authors answer the research question: “What is the role of soft power in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in confronting Iranophobia?” The research method is descriptive-analytical based on historical evidence, documents, and analytical issues of theorists, authors, and media being expressed in the theoretical framework of soft power. The paper is based on a synthesis of Stephen Walt’s “balance of threat” theory with Alexander Wendt’s social constructivism to explain the Iranian “threat” in American foreign policy.The findings of this research show that without the use of force and disturbing the balance in the international relations, using a variety of tools and instruments the Iranian public diplomacy and soft power might be effective to reduce the global and regional atmosphere of Iranophobia and undermine anti-Iranian solidarity.


1987 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 85-96
Author(s):  
William O. Beeman

In the past nine years the Islamic Republic of Iran has posed the most difficult of all foreign policy problems for the United States—a problem usually confronted by marriage counselors rather than diplomats, for Iran is the nation that the United States cannot live with and cannot live without.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (7) ◽  
pp. 262
Author(s):  
Mojtaba Abdollahi

<p>Undoubtedly, no country as America is the host and influenced of pressure groups, and because of the existence of the interests and valuation system in America, this issue has made decision making in foreign policy of this country difficult. Among pressure groups in America, Zionist lobbies seem to have the most influence in America's foreign policy. Based on this, it can be approximately said that America and Israel have had special ties after the World War II and AIPAC Group has always guaranteed the continuation of this relationship. A set of factors play role in forming foreign policy of each country internally, nationally and internationally that the outcome of these factors’ action and reactions will is presented as the outcome and "foreign policy". The United Sates of America’s foreign policy is also the same process, based on this according to the international relationships ideas which of the important levels in analyzing foreign policy of the United States of America is internal level whose one of its components is investigating the role of pressure groups in forming the foreign policy of this country, practically the activity of any groups isn’t as prominent and highlighted as Zionist lobby in this subject.</p>Therefore the author of this research is sought to investigate the effect of different shapes of Zionist lobby and the position and performance of this regime in America’s foreign policy towards Iran, hence the arrow of lobbying activities in the area of Iran is also evaluated; consequently in the process of the research, stating that influential element in the system of decision making in The United States of America about the role of stakeholder groups with a focus on Zionist lobby and the unwavering support of the United States from this lobby is undeniable.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-162
Author(s):  
N. A. Kozhanov ◽  
A. S. Bogacheva

Self-perception in the international arena plays a great role in the development of a country's foreign policy strategy. Not all states can answer the question «who are we in relation to others»? In particular, we can describe the past 20 century and the first decades of the 21st century as the time of Tehran's search for its foreign policy identity, which is not finished even today. Despite many discussion, the Iranian political elite has not only failed to find a single definition of its foreign policy selfhood, but has produced several more formulas of its own identity, which often contradict each other, although they coexist. The events of 1979, when the new leadership that came to power in the course of revolutionary upheavals announced the rejection of the traditions of the Shah's Iran and the building of a new "revolutionary" nation with its own special foreign policy identity, had a significant impact on the process of forming the Iranian selfhood. The article analyzes the main trends that exist in the Iranian foreign policy self-perception, in order to confirm the hypothesis that the «revolutionary experiment» did not lead to a break in the continuity in the issue of Iranian self-identification. On the contrary, there is an attempt by the country's leadership to combine Islamic, revolutionary and nationalist principles in determining the role of their country in the international arena, which let us speak about the multi-component foreign policy identity of modern Iran.


2014 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 732-738 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hirad Abtahi

On November 24, 2013, the Islamic Republic of Iran, together with the E3/EU–comprised of France, Germany, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK)–as well as the People’s Republic of China (China), the Russian Federation (Russia), and the United States of America (US) agreed to the Joint Plan of Action on Iran’s nuclear program (Joint Plan of Action). The Joint Plan of Action aims at ensuring the Islamic Republic of Iran’s exclusive peaceful nuclear program through mutually-agreed steps between the so-called E3/EU+3 and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Though much has been said about the Joint Plan of Action since its adoption, not enough attention has been paid to its historical context; such neglect risks the Joint Plan of Action being, at best, viewed in isolation. This note bridges that gap by providing an overview of the events that led the Islamic Republic of Iran, the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), and Germany (P5+1) to agree on the Joint Plan of Action.


Author(s):  
Marina Kameneva ◽  
Elena Paymakova

The article notes that the theme of culture and cultural policy for modern Iran is not a marginal issue. Culture is seen by the country’s leadership as an important component of its state political and ideological doctrine. There is analyzed the role of the Islamic factor and cultural heritage in the cultural policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran over four decades of its existence. Particular attention is paid to the role of the theory of the dialogue of civilizations proposed by M. Khatami as well as to the changing attitude towards it in the public consciousness of Iranian society. It is emphasized that the theme of “Iran and the West” is becoming particularly acute in the country today, contributing to its politicization. An attempt is being made to show that Iranian culture is increasingly becoming an important factor in the foreign policy activities of the leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran, contributing to the strengthening of the country’s position in the world arena as a whole and the country’s leading role in the region, the realization of the idea of exporting the Islamic Revolution and implementing Iranian cultural expansion outside the country.


2018 ◽  
pp. 185-192
Author(s):  
Farzad Ameri ◽  
Farzaneh Golaghaie ◽  
Mehdi Harorani ◽  
Hossein Poorcheraghi ◽  
Amir Rahbarian ◽  
...  

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (49) ◽  
pp. 37-57
Author(s):  
Abed Golkarami ◽  
Yadolah Karimi Pour ◽  
Afshin Motaghi ◽  
Hossien Rabiee ◽  
◽  
...  

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Majid Divsalar ◽  
Ebrahim Javadi Veshki

In international system scene, interests and strategies for ensuring these interests are among key strategies of powerful countries. Therefore, super powers, organize security in different geographical areas through competition in order to challenge competitors and threaten them. Shanghai cooperation organization (SCO), as the most important security measure, has been developed by influence of competitive atmosphere in international system by help of Russian, China and some other important regional allies in response to transatlantic actions. As a result, this security measure could control peripheral threats in the region. In this regard, Islamic Republic of Iran, has considered emergence of this regional security measure as a serious threat for its national and regional interests and has acted to suppress them in the framework of its defense diplomacy. Considering this, authors try to answer this question that how Shanghai cooperation organization as security measure can influence the foreign policy behavior of Islamic Republic of Iran? By studying and analyzing how and why Shanghai cooperation organization (SOC) around Islamic Republic of Iran and determining foreign policy of super powers in establishing this organization, its effect on the foreign policy behavior of Islamic Republic of Iran is considered.


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