scholarly journals Eine Krise regionaler Identität und ihr Gebrauchswert für rechtsgerichtete politische Gruppen – ein Beispiel aus Vorpommern

2020 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helmut Klüter
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
German History ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Letters To The Editor ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Highly Educated ◽  
Organizational Problem ◽  
The Right ◽  
University City ◽  
The University

Abstract. For the first time since the reunification of Germany, right-wing activists and politicians have attempted to take over a university city, i.e. a place where the highly educated, creative, cosmopolitan, innovation-oriented groups should be more likely to question irrational populism than elsewhere. An internal organizational problem – in this case: the renaming of the University of Greifswald – which normally should be solved with on-board resources, was shifted to a regional political level as a dispute over Ernst Moritz Arndt. Arndt was one of the most aggressive nationalists in German history, whose name was given to the university under fascist rule in 1933. The dispute was emotionalized by demonstrations and letters to the editor of the regional newspaper, taken up by groups and parties predominantly from the right-wing spectrum. It was brought into a populist form, and pushed with high journalistic effort into the regional public sphere as a Pomeranian identity crisis. In spite of the enormous pressure from outside and the numerous attempts at intimidation, it is admirable that the University Senate members decided to discard the name of Arndt – 63 years after the end of World War II. Although the result of the renaming was noted nationwide, its dramatic circumstances and background were not presented. However, this would have been necessary in order to show how strong right-wing radicalism already is in some regions, by which coalitions it is further enhanced, how strongly it is favoured by the spatial over-centralisation of state institutions, and what a university has to afford in order to assert itself successfully in such an environment.

Jan Kazimierz University 1936–1939: A Memoir

2001 ◽  
pp. 223-236
Author(s):  
Bronisława Witz-Margulies
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Ethnic Organizations ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
The University ◽  
University Community

This chapter is a short memoir detailing the history of the Jan Kazimierz University (now L'viv University) prior to the start of World War II. The university community, a microcosm of society at large, was split by ethnic, social, and political conflict. Student unions, for example, were divided along the lines of nationality. The authorities were reluctant to create unified, multi-ethnic organizations, so in each department there were separate Polish, Ukrainian, and Jewish clubs and student professional unions. As for politics, it seemed that just about every party and political current in Poland had its supporters and representatives among the students. Both the right wing and the left wing were there. The fiercest battle was over the nationality question, although each nationality had its own set of right- and left-wing students.

Conservatism

Sociology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Kivisto
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Relevant Literature ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Right

Conservatism refers to one of the constituent political positions found in all contemporary democracies. It can be construed as a philosophy, an ideology, a political party, a movement, a disposition, a mode of discourse, performance style, and an emotional relationship to the political. Since the birth of modern democracies in the aftermath of the French Revolution, it has become commonplace to describe the range of political options available to the citizenry as occupying a spectrum from left to right, with a range of alternatives between the extreme poles, including a centrist position in the middle that straddles the divide. The left was associated with promoting challenges to established authorities and existing hierarchies, along with calls for increased economic equality and expanded social and political rights to all citizens, including the heretofore marginalized. This contrasts with the right, which was defined as defending inequalities and differential entitlements, concentrating matters involving rights around preserving property rights, shoring up public and social order, and promoting traditional values and conventional social relations. In this context, liberalism became a mark of political identity associated with the left, as did socialism, while conservatism, broadly construed, represented the right. This framing of politics also includes the possibility of underminings by extremism on both the left and right. For the former, the main threat since the Russian Revolution has been posed by revolutionary communism, while right-wing extremism has manifested itself in reactionary movements, including fascism and illiberal populism. Since liberalism and conservatism must be understood in relational terms, the spatial and temporal settings for the politics of opposition will vary considerably. It is impossible to do justice to the vast literature on conservatism in a bibliography such as this. What follows is a more delimited, and thus manageable examination of work on conservatism. First, it focuses on conservatism in the United States, and not elsewhere. Second, it is chiefly concerned with conservatism since the end of World War II. Third, it concentrates on the study of conservatism by sociologists and those working in cognate disciplines; while not all the authors are card-carrying sociologists, their works reflect a sociological character, although the exception to this third point is the overview section, which presents key readings by advocates of conservatism, and thus offers insider depictions of the meaning of conservatism. Fourth, this article does not concentrate solely on extremist right-wing movements; rather, in surveying the relevant literature on American conservatism broadly construed, it points to a growing consensus that the radical right wing has pushed mainstream conservatism increasingly further to the right.

scholarly journals Taking the International Spotlight: Pauline Hanson and Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party

2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-80
Author(s):  
Kay Saunders
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Scholarly Research ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
History Of ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The University ◽  
Public Lecture

In 2001 I was invited to give a public lecture at the Centre for the Study of the History of the Twentieth Century, a scholarly research institute within the University of Paris. The invitation was extended by Professor Stephane Dufoix, who writes on the internment of enemy aliens in World War II, one of my academic specialisations. However, I was not asked to speak about this area of expertise. Indeed, it turned out to be a ‘Don't mention the war’ event. Rather, Professor Dufoix and his colleagues were fascinated by Pauline Hanson and were interested in an Australian perspective on the rise of extreme right-wing populism and the Down Under equivalent of the French les laissés-pour-compte (‘those left behind’) or les paumés (‘the losers’).

Karl Renner and the Politics of Accommodation: Moderation versus Revenge

1991 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 35-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Loewenberg
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
First Republic ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right

Karl Renner's political life encompasses the history of Austria's empire and her two twentieth-century republics, making him the foremost leader of Austrian democratic politics. Renner was also the most innovative theoretician on the nationalities question which plagued the Habsburg monarchy and the twentieth-century world. He was chancellor of Austria's first republic, leader of the right-wing Social Democrats, and president of the post-World War II Second Republic. A study of his life and politics offers a perspective on the origins of the moderate, adaptive, political personality and on the tension between ideology and accommodation to the point where it is difficult to determine what core of principle remained.

Bolshevism in Lancashire: British Strike Plays of the 1920s

1992 ◽  
Vol 8 (30) ◽  
pp. 159-166
Author(s):  
Steve Nicholson
Keyword(s):  
Russian Revolution ◽  
British Library ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Theatre ◽  
Industrial Conflict ◽  
The Right ◽  
Unpublished Manuscripts ◽  
The University

In an article in NTQ 29 (February 1992), Steve Nicholson looked at how the Russian Revolution was portrayed in the 1920s by the Conservative theatre establishment. Usually it is the Left that is accused of simplistic theatrical agitation: but in this, the second of two articles about the right-wing political theatre of the 1920s, the author shows how plays about industrial conflict and strikes within Britain demonstrated a level of crude Conservative propaganda that has tended to go unremarked. This article has been researched largely through unpublished manuscripts in the Lord Chamberlain's collection of plays in the British Library, and derives from the author's broader study of the portrayal of Communism in the British theatre between 1917 and 1945. Steve Nicholson is currently Lecturer in Drama at the Workshop Theatre of the University of Leeds.

The Civil War in Greece and Relations with Albania According to the Communist Press During 1948 – 1949

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 94
Author(s):  
Marsel Nilaj
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Postwar Period ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Right

During 1948-1949 relations with Greece were very tense in the postwar period of World War II. The positioning of the two countries in two different camps, respectively Albania in the Socialist Camp and Greece in the Western Camp, lead to even more severe relations between these two countries. The Greek Civil War, fought between two Greek groups, the democratic and the communist one, also involved Albania in the propaganda as supporting the right wing of the Communist Greek. Such a propaganda was retaliated by the Greeks in the Albanian territory, for a few days in the Albanian land. The Albanian press of that time was very much involved by mainly giving information of the propaganda oriented towards Moscow, rather than about the immediate risk the country was directly facing. In many cases, the war and the threat it imposed was transformed and far away from reality. The press of that time mostly transmitted what Stalinist Moscow directed, rather than the truth. It was Stalinist Moscow the place which Enver Hoxha held as the orienting point, especially after breaking relations a few months ago with the Communist Yugoslavian state. The Communist press of that time was more preoccupied about the advancement of the Greek communist forces, rather than the threat the democratic wing imposed by approaching the Albanian border. This showed that the Albanian State was displaying itself since the first steps as being indoctrinated and related to the ideology and not to the threat imposed to the Albanian nation. The communist press of that time varied in numbers and kinds, displayed in every newspaper or magazine the success of the Greek communism. Such a problem is also presented in the British parliament as an unfair action from the Albanian state

The Decline of Antifascism: The Memory Struggle over May 1945 in the Polish Parliament (1995–2015)

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 917-940
Author(s):  
Tomasz Rawski
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Symbolic Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
World War ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
The Right ◽  
State Socialist ◽  
Point Of Reference

The article discusses a shift, of the paradigm structuring Polish official memory of World War II and the state-socialist period from antifascist to anticommunist, that took place in the post-1989 Polish parliament. Based on the example of the political struggle in parliament over the memory of May 1945 (Victory Day) that occurred on three consecutive major anniversaries of this event (1995, 2005, and 2015), the article shows how the right-wing post-Solidarity camp dismantled and eliminated the antifascist narrative that was based on a symbolic continuity between 1945 and 1995–2005, respectively, and was promoted by the postcommunists, replacing it with a primarily anticommunist narrative about “two totalitarianisms,” founded on a symbolic continuity between 1939 and 1989. Within this new paradigm, May 1945 was made into a merely formal commemorative point of reference devoid of any symbolic power.

Right-Wing Populism and International Issues

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 90-108
Author(s):  
Christiane Lemke
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
International Issues ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Right ◽  
European Parliament Elections

Most studies analyze right-wing populism in the framework of the nation state, while its impact on foreign policy is understudied. This article focuses on the German Alternative for Germany (AfD) to highlight its foreign policy stance. How is the AfD deliberately operating not only nationally but also on the European level? What are their aims and goals? How has the surge in right-wing populism impacted international issues and what does the rise of the right mean for Germany’s role in Europe and in world politics? In the first part of the paper, I contextualize the rise and significance of right-wing populism in Germany within the framework of social and political theory. Second, I address the AfD’s position to European affairs more specifically, including its stance in the European Parliament elections in 2019. Third, I highlight key topoi of the AfD’ s position regarding the eu, the United States and nato by drawing on critical discourse analysis. The analysis shows that the AfD is aiming to redefine Germany's foreign policy consensus based on the special responsibility paradigm that has characterized Germany's foreign policy after World War II. The party is not only nationalistic in outlook but moreover aiming to revise key paradigms of Germany's foreign and European policies.

Car bomb will draw attention to corruption in Malta

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Press Freedom ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Legal Frameworks ◽  
The Right ◽  
Police Commissioner

Significance On October 16, Daphne Caruana Galizia, a Maltese journalist, was killed in a car bombing outside her home. Her murder has renewed concerns about law and order, democracy and press freedom in Malta. As international condemnation grows, Prime Minister Joseph Muscat is coming under pressure to demonstrate that state institutions are capable of protecting and enforcing these values in a manner consistent with European norms. Impacts The right-wing Nationalist Party has used the murder to attack the government for a breakdown in the rule of law and democratic process. However, divided and weak since the last elections, the Nationalists will probably fail to convert the tragedy into political gain. The murder has thrust Malta’s state institutions and legal frameworks into the international spotlight. There is pressure on the police to apprehend the culprits and public demands for the police commissioner to resign.

Censoring Revolution: the Lord Chamberlain and the Soviet Union

1992 ◽  
Vol 8 (32) ◽  
pp. 305-312
Author(s):  
Steve Nicholson
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
British Library ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Right ◽  
Unpublished Manuscripts ◽  
The University

In two earlier articles, Steve Nicholson has explored ways in which the the right-wing theatre of the 1920s both shaped and reflected the prevailing opinions of the establishment – in NTQ29 (February 1992) looking at how the Russian Revolution was portrayed on the stage, and in NTQ30 (May 1992) at the ways in which domestic industrial conflicts were presented. He concludes the series with three case studies of the role of the Lord Chamberlain, on whose collection of unpublished manuscripts now housed in the British Library his researches have been based, in preventing more sympathetic – or even more objective – views of Soviet and related subjects from reaching the stage. His analysis is based on a study of the correspondence over the banning of Geo A. DeGray's The Russian Monk, Hubert Griffith's Red Sunday, and a play in translation by a Soviet dramatist, Sergei Tretiakov's Roar China. Steve Nicholson is currently Lecturer in Drama at the Workshop Theatre of the University of Leeds.

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