Czar Cullen: Police Commissioner John Cullen and Coercive State Action in Early 20th Century NZ

<p>Given the central and inherently contested role of policing in the modern state, it is striking to note the generally limited historical interest in the place of policing as a factor in the development of New Zealand's civil society. To some extent this can be attributed to the imbalance, noted by British police historian Samuel Palmer, in favour of studies of those challenging authority compared with those enforcing it.1 In this country it may also reflect an historical view of the police, at least since the early 20th century, as generally trustworthy civil servants whose actions are constrained and overseen by the executive arm of government. It is my contending view that certain well known, and lesser known yet still significant, events in our recent history may owe more to the unilateral decisions and actions of the senior police officers in charge than historians have tended to acknowledge. The following study examines the background and career of one of New Zealand's most notable police officers, the first to rise from the lowest rank to the highest position in the national force. John Cullen's career also happened to coincide with the growth of the modern, post-Armed Constabulary, police and it encompassed many of the most significant events of his time, events in which his role was often central and at times decisive. Most importantly for the purposes of the present study, Cullen's style of policing, noticeable throughout his long career but especially marked once he achieved senior rank, ran counter to the overall development of the force in which he served, a development away from overt coercion towards more consensual policing. A longitudinal study of Cullen's career therefore serves to examine that wider development through its darker mirror-image, as the revealing exception to the more accepted rule. The move towards consensual policing, the most important trend within the force from the late 19th century until the mid-1930s, was measurable both in terms of internal discipline and external tactics. By both measures Cullen represented an anomaly, a return to an earlier form of para-military policing marked by rigid and even intimidatory internal discipline, and forceful coercion of targeted social groups in which extreme, even occasionally fatal, violence was considered an acceptable consequence. One question explored by this study is the extent to which Cullen can be held directly responsible for the reactionary trend towards greater police coercion, given that his term as Police Commissioner coincided with such overwhelmingly disruptive and exceptional historical moments as the outbreak of World War One. The most characteristic features of John Cullen's style of policing- an emphasis on physical force, rigid discipline both on and off duty, constant close surveillance of targeted groups and recourse to the use of arms and military or para-military personnel and tactics- were standard practice in the 19th century Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC), in which he was trained and whose officers and attitudes he favoured throughout his career. This study therefore examines in some detail Cullen's early years as an RIC trainee and young Irish constable, for the understanding this period provides of many of his later, at times otherwise startling, policing decisions. The study then deals briefly with Cullen's early years in this country, and in more detail with the most significant episodes in his later career. Some of those latter episodes are among the most prominent in our early-20th century history and have been the subject of various popular and scholarly studies. In those cases I have endeavoured, to a layman's extent, to treat those events from a policing perspective, in the hope of providing a fresh and historically rewarding slant on relatively familiar events.</p>

Czar Cullen: Police Commissioner John Cullen and Coercive State Action in Early 20th Century NZ

<p>Given the central and inherently contested role of policing in the modern state, it is striking to note the generally limited historical interest in the place of policing as a factor in the development of New Zealand's civil society. To some extent this can be attributed to the imbalance, noted by British police historian Samuel Palmer, in favour of studies of those challenging authority compared with those enforcing it.1 In this country it may also reflect an historical view of the police, at least since the early 20th century, as generally trustworthy civil servants whose actions are constrained and overseen by the executive arm of government. It is my contending view that certain well known, and lesser known yet still significant, events in our recent history may owe more to the unilateral decisions and actions of the senior police officers in charge than historians have tended to acknowledge. The following study examines the background and career of one of New Zealand's most notable police officers, the first to rise from the lowest rank to the highest position in the national force. John Cullen's career also happened to coincide with the growth of the modern, post-Armed Constabulary, police and it encompassed many of the most significant events of his time, events in which his role was often central and at times decisive. Most importantly for the purposes of the present study, Cullen's style of policing, noticeable throughout his long career but especially marked once he achieved senior rank, ran counter to the overall development of the force in which he served, a development away from overt coercion towards more consensual policing. A longitudinal study of Cullen's career therefore serves to examine that wider development through its darker mirror-image, as the revealing exception to the more accepted rule. The move towards consensual policing, the most important trend within the force from the late 19th century until the mid-1930s, was measurable both in terms of internal discipline and external tactics. By both measures Cullen represented an anomaly, a return to an earlier form of para-military policing marked by rigid and even intimidatory internal discipline, and forceful coercion of targeted social groups in which extreme, even occasionally fatal, violence was considered an acceptable consequence. One question explored by this study is the extent to which Cullen can be held directly responsible for the reactionary trend towards greater police coercion, given that his term as Police Commissioner coincided with such overwhelmingly disruptive and exceptional historical moments as the outbreak of World War One. The most characteristic features of John Cullen's style of policing- an emphasis on physical force, rigid discipline both on and off duty, constant close surveillance of targeted groups and recourse to the use of arms and military or para-military personnel and tactics- were standard practice in the 19th century Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC), in which he was trained and whose officers and attitudes he favoured throughout his career. This study therefore examines in some detail Cullen's early years as an RIC trainee and young Irish constable, for the understanding this period provides of many of his later, at times otherwise startling, policing decisions. The study then deals briefly with Cullen's early years in this country, and in more detail with the most significant episodes in his later career. Some of those latter episodes are among the most prominent in our early-20th century history and have been the subject of various popular and scholarly studies. In those cases I have endeavoured, to a layman's extent, to treat those events from a policing perspective, in the hope of providing a fresh and historically rewarding slant on relatively familiar events.</p>

Exploring Sociopolitical and Religious Meanings from a BBC News on a Terror Attack: A Functional Linguistic Analysis.

This study is a functional grammatical analysis of BBC news on a New York attack where eight were killed by a man driving a truck by the application of Halliday’s Systematic Functional Grammar (SFG). By analysing the systems of grammar at the clause level, I show that the text at the discourse level makes different meaning across the news. Sayfullo Saipov, an immigrant who came to the US in 2010, has developed negative actions such as killing eight people, hurting 11, aiming at innocents, striking cyclists, hitting a school bus, injuring adults and children, and in all of his actions eventually “the innocent” are affected as a goal. Another significant goal i.e. “note” was found which shows his cohesion with the so-called Islamic States. Nevertheless, they are using the name of “Islam” but they don’t know or they don’t follow the script of Islam or at least the basics of Islam, it proven by the killer are all actions because according to The Holy Quran” killing a single innocent is even strongly prohibited in Islam, it is like killing the whole humanity. Identifying and attributing processes have identified here “The attack” as a “terrible” incident which is done by the attacker and attributing processes ascribe “bad qualities” of carriers (the attacker). The Killer is the highest number of “Actor” in terms of the transitivity process, which means he is in a “destructive power”. The police are the second-highest “actor” who performs some physical actions such as shooting the driver, arresting the driver, taking the attacker to hospital. The situation was going to get ugly by the killer’s actions and for this reason; the police accomplish these professional actions to make meaning of “safety of innocent”. The killer is a “single” person but his negative actions convulsed the whole city even whole country, and all big names like President, City mayor, police commissioner immediately were made get involved into “verbal actions” interfering, and reacting, saying, commenting etc. Thus the study frets out some significant meaning through grammar choices in the news genre in question.

Introduction

This chapter mentions New York police commissioner James P. O’Neill, who during a safety briefing for the 2019 WorldPride festival apologized for an event that took place on June 28, 1969. It recounts the raid of the Stonewall Inn in 1969, a bar in Greenwich Village that provided a safe environment for LGBT people to gather and socialize. The raid turned into a violent clash that spread around the bar’s vicinity and lasted for several days. It also speculates what prompted the rioting at the Stonewall Inn, exploring the theory that the death of singer-actress and gay icon Judy Garland put gay New Yorkers on edge. The chapter discusses the paramount importance of the Stonewall Riots to the rise of the contemporary gay rights movement. It points out that conventional wisdom considers the Stonewall rebellion to have been the first instance of gay resistance in American history.

Preacher of Righteousness, 1886‒1901

From 1886 to 1901, Roosevelt became a historian, civil service commissioner, police commissioner, assistant secretary of the Navy, war hero, and vice-president. He was also forced to deal with his brother Elliott’s alcoholism, infidelity, and untimely death. In all these experiences Roosevelt sought to promote what he regarded as “righteousness.” His histories provided analysis of religious controversies while his work in the Civil Service Commission and police department illustrated his commitment to moral reform. His actions in the Spanish-American War won him a popularity that helped make him New York governor in 1898. Reluctantly, he agreed to run for vice-president in 1900. While Roosevelt did not recover much personal piety in these years, he gained a reputation as a moralistic preacher of righteousness.

Republic of Fakes: Art in the Service of Truth in Postwar France

In 1955, Paris Police Commissioner Guy Isnard curated the exhibition Le Faux dans l'art et dans l'histoire at the Grand Palais in Paris. Featuring a wide variety of forgeries, most notably counterfeit sculptures and paintings, the exhibition was an occasion to showcase the anti-counterfeiting efforts of the National Police. But in the broader context of the politically and economically weakened Fourth Republic, more was at stake. In the immediate postwar period, French society was steeped in uncertainty and a growing fear of inauthenticity, fueled by rumors of currency manipulation by foreign powers, the perceived corruption of the French language by an increasingly influential English, and anti-Americanism in intellectual and political circles. In this environment, the organizers of the exhibition called upon culture, and art in particular, to reaffirm a strict distinction between truth and falsity while also establishing France as the uncontested guardian of truth. This essay shows that Le Faux dans l'art et dans l'histoire constituted a crucial threshold moment in twentieth-century French history, both as an attempt to preserve a rapidly fading vision of truth and originality and as a prefiguration of aesthetic and philosophical debates to come.

Israeli political wrangles will worsen COVID-19 impact

Significance Coronavirus policy has been hampered by intense infighting in Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s coalition government, undermining public support for him. The country is still seeing around 2,000 new cases daily, but the virus reproduction rate has fallen to an estimated 0.63. Impacts Even with a phased exit, the second lockdown will boost unemployment and may cause many small and medium-sized businesses to fail. Until a vaccine is available, further lockdowns and related measures are likely to be necessary. Deteriorating public trust, especially among the ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) minority, threatens the effectiveness of future measures. The lack of a permanent police commissioner means deputies will tread cautiously with Netanyahu’s government over lockdown enforcement.

Ferguson, Gray, and Davis With De Sousa, Tuggle, and Harrison Too: An Analysis of Recorded Crime Incidents and Arrests in Baltimore City, March 2010 to March 2020

This report offers an analysis of recorded crime incidents and arrests in Baltimore from March 2010 to March 2020, evaluating alternative explanations for change. The national dialogue on policing, which gained momentum following the 2014 protests in Ferguson, Missouri, coincided with a decline in arrests in Baltimore, especially on minor charges. No changes in crime levels resulted from these declines in arrests. After a week of unrest in Baltimore in 2015, following the death of Freddie Gray while in police custody, arrests of all types declined abruptly while crimes of all types soared during a three-month period. Following the completion of a federal investigation in 2016, the city signed a consent decree with the Department of Justice in 2017 and agreed to reform the police department under a court monitor. As of 2020, violent crime remains high, but arrests have declined in a pattern that is consistent with calls for reform. The fourth post-Gray police commissioner, who was appointed in February 2019, introduced a crime plan that appears to have reduced robberies and property crime without increasing arrests. Homicides and shootings remain far too high, on an absolute scale and relative to the baseline period from 2010 to 2014.

Two Conflicting Irish Views of the Spanish Civil War

The Spanish Civil War sparked a heated debate in the recently created Irish Free State, as the Republic of Ireland was then called. A country that had also gone through an eleven-month civil war after the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 was again divided between those who supported the left-wing democratic Spanish Republican government and those who favoured Franco’s “crusade” against atheists and Marxists. In fact, some Irish volunteers joined the International Brigades to confront Fascism together with the Spanish Republican forces, while other more conservative Irish Catholics were mobilised to fight with Franco’s army against those Reds that the media claimed to be responsible for killing priests and burning churches. Both sections were highly influenced by the news, accounts and interpretations of the Spanish war that emerged at that time. Following Lluís Albert Chillón’s approach to the relations between journalism and literature (1999), this article aims to analyse the war reportages of two Irish writers who describe the Spanish Civil War from the two opposite sides: Peadar O’Donnell (1893–1986), a prominent Irish socialist activist and novelist who wrote Salud! An Irishman in Spain (1937), and Eoin O’Duffy (1892–1944), a soldier, anti-communist activist and police commissioner who raised the Irish Brigade to fight with Franco’s army and wrote The Crusade in Spain (1938). Both contributed to the dissemination of information and ideas about the Spanish conflict with their eyewitness accounts, and both raise interesting questions about the relations between fact, fiction and the truth, using similar narrative strategies and rhetorical devices to portray different versions of the same war.