scholarly journals Excess Words, Surplus Names: Rancière and Habermas on Speech, Agency, and Equality

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-53
Author(s):  
Michael Feola

Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Rancière treat speech as the medium for politics and, likewise, both diagnose the pathologies that follow from blockages on civic speech.  That said, these broad commonalities give rise to significant divides regarding the social ontology of language, the forms of power that attend linguistic exchange, and how speech informs democratic agency. Ultimately, the essay will argue that Rancière highlights the political deficits within deliberative commitments to democratic values. In doing so, his challenge yields broader insights for a democratic politics of speech and the linguistic resources that facilitate such a politics.

2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 130
Author(s):  
Sri Indiyastutik

Abstrak: Jacques Rancière, pemikir Prancis kelahiran Aljazair (1940-sekarang), konsisten dengan gagasannya tentang kesetaraan bagi setiap orang dan semua orang. Baginya, demokrasi bukanlah bentuk pemerintahan atau tatanan sosial. Kesetaraan yang kontingen dalam tatanan sosial, menurut Rancière, menjadikan demokrasi dapat terjadi kapan saja dan di mana saja, tidak dapat diprediksi. Rancière mengajak kita untuk terbuka pada gangguan-gangguan demos dan kemunculan subyek-subyek baru di masa datang sebagai dinamika dalam tatanan sosial yang tidak perlu ditumpas atau dihambat. Politik demokrasi adalah sebuah perselisihan. Namun perselisihan tersebut bukan tindakan revolusi untuk menghancurkan tatanan sosial yang telah ada menjadi tatanan yang sama sekali baru. Demokrasi adalah subyektivasi politik yang mengganggu tatanan sosial dominan yang dilakukan oleh demos untuk memverifikasi kesetaraan. Kemunculan demos mentransformasi tatanan sosial menjadi bentuk yang berbeda, yang mengakomodasi keberadaan mereka yang tidak terhitung (the wrong, yang salah). Kata-kata Kunci: Demokrasi, kesetaraan, demos, perselisihan, subyektivikasi, yang salah. Abstract: Jacques Rancière, a French philosopher born in Algeria (1940-present), affirms the equality of anyone and everyone. He analyzes the so-called democracy not as a kind of state or social order. Equality which is contingent in the social order, for Rancière, shows that democracy could occurs everytime and everywhere, democracy could not be predicted. Rancière brings us to have an open eye in front of dispute of the demos and the subjectification of any new subjects. This is an inherent and a dynamic of the social order that should not be repressed or stopped. The democratic politics is a dispute. But the dispute is not an act of revolution to destroy the existing social order to create an entirely new order. Democracy is the political subjectification that disrupts the police order by the demos to verify the equality of anyone and everyone. The emergence of the demos transforms the social order into a different form when this order accommodates the existence of the wrong. Keywords: Democracy, equality, demos, dispute, subjectification, the wrong.


2020 ◽  
pp. 009059172092021
Author(s):  
Andrew Schaap

Radical democrats highlight dramatic moments of political action, which disrupt everyday habits of perception that sustain unequal social relations. In doing so, however, we sometimes neglect how social conditions—such as precarious employment, social dislocation, and everyday exposure to violence—undermine political agency or might be contested in uneventful ways. Despite their differences, two thinkers who have significantly influenced radical democratic theory (Hannah Arendt and Jacques Rancière) have been similarly criticized for contributing to such a socially weightless picture of politics. However, attending to how they are each preoccupied by the social conditions of inequality and loneliness enables us to recognize two distinct aspects of democratic politics–emancipation and civility. Cultivating an interpretive flexibility to shift between these aspects of politics might enable radical democrats to more clearly picture how struggles for appearance are limited and shaped by the social conditions within which they are enacted.


Compolítica ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-130
Author(s):  
Ângela Cristina Salgueiro Marques

Ao comparar as visões de Jürgen Habermas e Jacques Rancière a respeito da comunicação, da estética e da política, pretendo evidenciar que a formação de uma comunidade política expressa a tensão entre o próximo e o distante, o semelhante e o dessemelhante, o próprio e o impróprio. Ela mostra as fissuras e fragmenta a idéia do grande corpo social protegido por certezas partilhadas e amplamente unido por princípios igualitários previamente acordados e quase nunca colocados à prova. Ao recuperar os conceitos habermasianos de “mundo da vida” e “comunidade ideal de fala”, contrastando-os às noções de “desentendimento” e “comunidade de partilha” elaboradas por Rancière, argumento que a constituição de uma comunidade política deve revelar que a partilha de um mundo comum é feita, ao mesmo tempo, da tentativa de estabelecer ligações entre universos fraturados e da constante resistência à permanência desses vínculos.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 8-31
Author(s):  
Seth Mayer

Although Jacques Rancière and Jürgen Habermas share several important commitments, they interpret various core concepts differently, viewing politics, democracy, communication, and disagreement in conflicting ways. Rancière articulates his democratic vision in opposition to important elements of Habermas’s approach. Critics contend that Habermas cannot account for the dynamics of command, exclusion, resistance, and aesthetic transformation involved in Rancière’s understanding of politics. In particular, the prominent roles Habermas affords to communicative rationality and consensus have led people to think that he cannot grasp the radical forms of political disagreement Rancière describes. While some have viewed Rancière as offering a trenchant challenge to Habermas, I will contend that Rancière’s critique is less compelling than some have thought. Habermasian understandings of third personal speech and aesthetic expression are nuanced and adaptable enough to evade Rancière’s criticisms. I conclude by suggesting that Habermasian theorists have also developed crucial forms of social and political critique that Rancière’s theory systematically excludes.


2017 ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Philippe Schaffhauser

Resumen:El pragmatismo y la sociología son, por decirlo así, primos hermanos ya que fueron engendrados en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX por la modernidad y la imperiosa necesidad de contrastar procesos sociales y económicos mediante una postura científica, crítica y participativa. Sin embargo este lazo de parentesco no significa que en la actualidad se haya dado una relación real a través de la constitución por ejemplo de un programa sociológico de corte pragmatista. La tradición pragmatista no es sino una fuente entre muchas otras para el pensamiento de autores tan diversos como son Jürgen Habermas y David Bloor. Lo único que encontramos cuando se revisan las fuentes son contados casos de acercamiento teórico entre ambas miradas y formas de acción, esto es, mediante textos de Emilio Durkheim (1913-1914), Charles W. Mills (1968) y hoy día con Hans Joas (1998 y 2002). En este artículo se pretende discutir sobre los posibles aportes del pensamiento pragmatista para la reflexión sociológica, los cuales giran en torno a buscar soluciones a problemas metodológicos-teóricos. En este sentido la concepción “práctica” de la realidad social como un proceso continuo y situado en un espacio “plástico” o, conforme a G.H. Mead y John Dewey, el re-planteamiento del concepto de acción social como “acción creadora culturalmente situada” pueden ser de gran interés para ampliar las perspectivas de la reflexión sociológica.Palabras clave: Sociología, Pragmatismo, Acción Creadora, Creencia y Continuidades.AbstractPragmatism and sociology are sort of first-cousins as both emerged from modernity in the second half of the nineteenth century, upon the need to contrast social processes with economic ones from a scientific, critical and participative approach. However, this does not mean there is currently a real link between the two of them given by, for instance, the development of a sociological programme based on pragmatism. The pragmatic tradition is only one of the many other sources for various thinkers like Jürgen Habermas and David Bloor. The only theoretical link and ways of action connecting these two disciplines are given in cases such as Emilio Durkheim (1913-1914), Charles W. Mills (1968) and nowadays Hans Joas (1998 and 2002).  This article aims at discussing about the potential contributions of the pragmatic thought to the sociological one in order to find answers to methodological and theoretical problems. In this sense, the "practical" conception of the social reality as a continuous process placed in a "plastic" space, as stated by G.H Mead and John Dewey, reshaping the social action concept as a "creative action culturally placed" may be of help to expand sociological perspectives.Key words: sociology; pragmatism; creative action; belief and continuities


2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 5-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikos Papastergiadis

Jacques Rancière is one of the central figures in the contemporary debates on aesthetics and politics. This introduction maps the shift of focus in Rancière’s writing from political theory to contemporary art practice and also traces the enduring interest in ideas on equality and creativity. It situates Rancière’s rich body of writing in relation to key theorists such as the philosopher Alain Badiou, art historian Terry Smith and anthropologist George E. Marcus. I argue that Rancière offers a distinctive approach in this broad field by clarifying the specificity of the artist’s task in the production of critical and creative transformation, or what he calls the ‘distribution of the sensible’. In conclusion, I complement Rancière’s invocation to break out of the oppositional paradigm in which the political and aesthetic are usually confined by outlining some further methodological techniques for addressing contemporary art.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Hollendung

To what extent can political theories adequately address the dangers that may accompany the political? This monograph is less concerned with the emancipative potential of the political, but rather with its downsides. Drawing on the concept of precarity, as defined in sociology and the May Day movement, it calls into question the ideas of sovereignty and autonomy using the theories of Judith Butler. The book systematises the controversy on what ‘the political’ is. Subsequently, it defines ‘political precarity’ in accordance with the ideas of Hannah Arendt, Jacques Rancière and Alain Badiou. These theories are complementary and conflicting in several respects and they mutually point out each other’s weaknesses. However, Hollendung identifies an innovative understanding of the precarious by intertwining these ideas.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document