scholarly journals Ethnopolitical views of Grigory Ivanovich Borisov (Stary)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleg Galusenco ◽  

Grigory Ivanovich Borisov, party alias Stary (Old) was born in the Bendery district of Bessarabia on December 9, 1880. He was forced to work from the age of seven. Since 1900, G. I. Stary took part in the revolutionary movement. For active participation in clandestine activities, he was repeatedly arrested by the police and served sentences in various prisons of tsarist Russia. G. I. Stary made a great contribution to the creation and development of the Moldovan ASSR. In 1924, he was appointed chairman of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee of the Autonomous Republic. Then G. I. Stary was elected chairman of the Central Executive Committee. In 1926–1928 and 1932–1937, he worked as chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the MASSR. Contemporaries assessed his position on the issue of “Moldovans or Romanians” as ambivalent. G. I. Stary denied accusations of opposing the indigenous policy: “It is wrong that I am against Moldovanization. I only take into account the difficulties, and this is taken as resistance”. He was repressed in 1937 and rehabilitated in 1955. The article was written on the basis of materials from the Soviet secret police (NKVD) archive.

Author(s):  
N. V. Barabash

The article, based on the introduction into scientific field a wide range of unknown sources, first shows the holding of elections and the election of deputies to the Supreme Soviet of the BSSR of the first convocation of 1938. The author considers the legal basis for theof the Central Executive Committee of the BSSR and the creation in accordance with the Constitution of the BSSR 1937 the highest legislative body of the republic – the Supreme Soviet. The author examines the policy of the Soviet government to include women to government and government bodies. A quantitative, social, educational analysis of women-deputies in the highest legislative body of the BSSR of the first convocation was carried out


Author(s):  
Zinaida V. Pushina ◽  
Galina V. Stepanova ◽  
Ekaterina L. Grundan

Zoya Ilyinichna Glezer is the largest Russian micropaleontologist, a specialist in siliceous microfossils — Cenozoic diatoms and silicoflagellates. Since the 1960s, she systematically studied Paleogene siliceous microfossils from various regions of the country and therefore was an indispensable participant in the development of unified stratigraphic schemes for Paleogene siliceous plankton of various regions of the USSR. She made a great contribution to the creation of the newest Paleogene schemes in the south of European Russia and Western Siberia, to the correlations of the Paleogene deposits of the Kara Sea.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-148
Author(s):  
Andrey Schelchkov ◽  

The division in the international communist movement and the creation of Trotskyism movement coincided with turbulent revolutionary events in Spain, where the left-wing forces were building up their forces. As in many other countries, the split of the communists was reflected in do-mestic politics, one of the aspects of which was the confrontation and extreme hostility of the two currents in world communism. The Span-ish question and the situation in Spanish Trotskyism had a significant impact on the process of forming the doctrine of Trotskyism, primarily in the issue of electoral unions, attitudes towards the Popular Front, and the tasks of the communists in the democratic revolution. This work highlights the process of the formation of the Trotskyist move-ment in Spain, the influence and role in this process of the International Secretariat of Trotskyism, internal splits in the movement, the partici-pation of Spanish Trotskyism in the revolutionary movement.


Author(s):  
James Loughlin

This chapter assesses the state of the National Front as it sought to contribute to the loyalist/Unionist struggle against the imposition of the Anglo-Irish Agreement (AIA), an agreement reached between the British and Irish Governments, and which infuriated the loyalist and Unionist community as the Irish Government was given an advisory role in the governance of Northern Ireland, and worrying because it was uncertain whether and when such ‘influence’ would be instrumental or marginal. Opposition involved cooperation with loyalist paramilitaries but proved worrying when loyalist paramilitaries resorted to sectarian violence. For the NF, however, its already limited scope for action in Northern Ireland was reduced further by an internal split provoked by a new leadership cadre headed by Nick Griffin, which sought to turn the organisation into a revolutionary movement proposing the creation of an independent Ulster, and opposed by a ‘Flag’ faction which sought co-operation with Unionist and loyalist leaders. As Unionist opposition to the AIA failed and Government rejected its position that it would refuse to negotiate until the agreement was abandoned. By 1990 Unionist leaders had agreed to talks with the Government at the same time as divisions within the NF led to its collapse.


Slavic Review ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin A. Miller

During the first half of the 1870s the character of the revolutionary movement in Russia changed considerably. At this time the movement spread its base of operation and its organizational effectiveness beyond the confines of St. Petersburg. The idea of a widespread revolutionary movement led by radical circles operating in several large cities was not a new conception in the 1870s. The efforts of Zemlia i Volia, Velikoruss, Ishutin, Karakozov, and Nechaev are all testimony to the emergence of a permanent underground opposition aimed against the ruling tsarist regime. Between 1869 and 1874, however, this process reached a new level with the activities of the Chaikovsky Circle, which managed to survive for five years under various names and in spite of even more various ideological approaches to the problem of revolution. This circle succeeded in building a truly nationwide network of affiliated groups which provided the initial revolutionary experience and loyalty to radicalism for many later members of the second Zemlia i Volia, Narodnaia Volia's executive committee, and the growing ranks of young Russian Marxists in the 1880s.


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