scholarly journals Ending Security Council Resolutions

2015 ◽  
Vol 109 (4) ◽  
pp. 806-821
Author(s):  
Jean Galbraith

Criticism of the Security Council tends to take one of two forms: first, that it does not act enough; and second, that it acts unwisely. Although these concerns are quite different, they both have partial causal roots in the Council’s voting process. Article 27 of the United Nations Charter provides that Council decisions on nonprocedural matters require “an affirmative vote of nine members including the concurring votes of the permanent members.” The ability of any of the five permanent member stove to a Council resolution makes it difficult for the Council both to act in the first place and to pass corrective resolutions when existing resolutions are criticized as problematic. Indeed, the difficulty of undoing resolutions can make Council members wary about allowing the passage of resolutions at the very outset.

Author(s):  
Manu Bhagavan

This chapter discusses India’s association with the United Nations. Guided by the vision of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, the country initially had a highly successful grand strategy guiding its foreign policy that placed that UN at the centre of its diplomatic efforts. Things took a sharp downward turn, however, during the administration of Indira Gandhi, and the relationship has lacked cohesion and meaningful direction ever since. In recent times, India has sought to become a permanent member of the Security Council and has relatedly but unsuccessfully attempted to wield influence, though large questions about its purpose and goals remain. Contemporary crises, though, now make the answers ever more urgent.


1991 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy L. H. McCormack

Article 51 of the United Nations Charter states that:Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken the measures necessary to maintain international peace and security. Measures taken by Members in the exercise of this right of selfdefense shall be immediately reported to the Security Council and shall not in any way affect the authority and responsibility of the Security Council under the present Charter to take at any time such action as it deems necessary in order to maintain or restore international peace and security.International lawyers are still arguing about the scope of the right of self-defence in Article 51 of the U.N. Charter. Most of the arguments focus on the semantics of Article 51. Those who argue for a “restrictive view” of the provision emphasise the qualifying phrase “if an armed attack occurs”.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Yadi Kusmayadi

ABSTRAKTindakan Indonesia dalam pengunduran diri sebagai anggota PBB pada tanggal 7 Januari 1965 ketika Malaysia dinyatakan menjadi anggota tidak tetap dewan keamanan PBB. Tujuan penulisan ini untuk menganalisi peristiwa terjadinya politik nuar negeri pada tahun 1963-1966. Metode penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan historis. Politik luar negeri Indonesia pada masa konfrontasi Indonesia dengan Malaysia tahun 1963-1966 melenceng dari garis politik luar negeri bebas aktif. Namun jika dilihat dari sisi positif, tindakan Presiden Soekarno melakukan konfrontasi kepada Malaysia sangat tepat. Sesuai dengan garis kebijakan politik luar negeri Indonesia yang bebas aktif, Indonesia tidak menghendaki negara tetangganya menjadi antek-antek negara kolonialis dan imperialis. Apabila sebuah negara di Asia Tenggara dapat dikuasai oleh kekuatan kolonialis dan imperialis, maka wilayah tersebut akan dijadikan basis bagi penyebaran pengaruh mereka dan bahkan penguasaan mereka atas bangsa-bangsa dan negara-negara di sekitarnya. Jika dilihat dari sisi negatif, konfrontasi ini telah menyebabkan bangsa Indonesia melenceng dari garis kebijakan politik luar negeri bebas dan aktif. Terbukti pada waktu itu Indonesia menyatakan keluar dari keanggotaan di PBB, dan setelah itu ada kesan bahwa bangsa Indonesia dikucilkan dari pergaulan dunia internasional. Selain itu pula, peristiwa konfrontasi Indonesia-Malaysia ini dimanfaatkan oleh PKI untuk kepentingannya mendekatkan negara Indonesia dengan negara-negara komunis seperti USSR, Korea Utara dan RRC.Kata Kunci: Politik Luar Negeri, konfrontasi Indonesia dan MalaysiaABSTRACTIndonesia's actions in resignation as a member of the United Nations on 7 January 1965 when Malaysia was declared a non-permanent member of the UN security council. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the occurrence of national politics in the year 1963-1966. This research method uses a historical approach. Indonesia's foreign policy during the Indonesian confrontation with Malaysia in 1963-1966 deviated from the line of active free foreign policy. However, if viewed from the positive side, the action of President Soekarno to confrontation to Malaysia is very appropriate. In accordance with the line of active foreign policy of Indonesia, Indonesia does not want its neighbors to be agents of the colonialist and imperialist countries. If a country in Southeast Asia can be dominated by colonialist and imperialist forces, then the region will serve as a basis for the spread of their influence and even their control over the surrounding nations and nations. If viewed from the negative side, this confrontation has caused the Indonesian nation deviated from the line of free and active foreign policy. Evident at that time Indonesia declared out of membership in the United Nations, and after that there is the impression that the Indonesian nation is ostracized from the international community. In addition, Indonesia-Malaysia confrontation event is utilized by the PKI for its interests to bring the country of Indonesia with the communist countries such as the USSR, North Korea, and the PRC.Keywords: Foreign Policy, confrontation of Indonesia and Malaysia


2000 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 369-371 ◽  
Author(s):  
Åsa Rydberg

Two additional agreements have been concluded on the enforcement of sentences of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). On 25 February 2000, an agreement was concluded between the Government of the French Republic and the United Nations on the enforcement of sentences of the ICTY. Thus, France thereby became the first permanent member of the Security Council to conclude such an agreement. A month later, on 28 March 2000, another agreement was concluded between the Kingdom of Spain and the United Nations. Both these agreements will enter into force upon notification to the United Nations by the respective states that the necessary national legal requirements have been met. Previously, agreements have been concluded with the following states: Italy, Finland, Norway, Sweden and Austria.


1948 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-296

On April 1, 1948, following lengthy discussion of methods of implementing the General Assembly resolution of November 29, 1947, concerning the partition of Palestine, the Security Council approved a resolution calling for the convening of a special session of the Assembly. The resolution requested the Secretary General “in accordance with Article 20 of the United Nations Charter, to convoke a special session of the General Assembly to consider further the question of the future government of Palestine.”


1994 ◽  
Vol 88 (4) ◽  
pp. 643-677 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vera Gowlland-Debbas

The relationship between the International Court of Justice and the Security Council may be approached from the perspective of the United Nations Charter and the way it delimits competences between two principal UN organs and regulates the exercise of their concurrent powers. The Court, however, has a dual, ambivalent role. It is not only the principal judicial organ of the United Nations under Article 92 of the Charter; it is also an autonomous adjudicative body with the function, under Article 38 of its Statute, of applying international law to such disputes between states as are brought before it. Viewed in the light of Questions of Interpretation and Application of the 1971 Montreal Convention Arising from the Aerial Incident at Lockerbie, the relationship between the judicial and political organs raises some fundamental questions of general international law that go beyond UN constitutional issues.


1955 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-231
Author(s):  
Lawrence S. Finkelstein

The special provision in Article 109, paragraph 3, on review of the United Nations Charter resulted from the concern of many states that the five great powers, working in harness, would excessively dominate the organization. Most of the conference members at San Francisco resented the implication of permanent inferiority reflected in the great powers' special voting position in the Security Council. Although they feared that the Charter permitted too wide an application of the veto power, they nevertheless accepted it as necessary within limits.


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