scholarly journals POLITIK LUAR NEGERI REPUBLIK INDONESIA PADA MASA KONFRONTASI INDONESIA-MALAYSIA TAHUN 1963-1966

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Yadi Kusmayadi

ABSTRAKTindakan Indonesia dalam pengunduran diri sebagai anggota PBB pada tanggal 7 Januari 1965 ketika Malaysia dinyatakan menjadi anggota tidak tetap dewan keamanan PBB. Tujuan penulisan ini untuk menganalisi peristiwa terjadinya politik nuar negeri pada tahun 1963-1966. Metode penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan historis. Politik luar negeri Indonesia pada masa konfrontasi Indonesia dengan Malaysia tahun 1963-1966 melenceng dari garis politik luar negeri bebas aktif. Namun jika dilihat dari sisi positif, tindakan Presiden Soekarno melakukan konfrontasi kepada Malaysia sangat tepat. Sesuai dengan garis kebijakan politik luar negeri Indonesia yang bebas aktif, Indonesia tidak menghendaki negara tetangganya menjadi antek-antek negara kolonialis dan imperialis. Apabila sebuah negara di Asia Tenggara dapat dikuasai oleh kekuatan kolonialis dan imperialis, maka wilayah tersebut akan dijadikan basis bagi penyebaran pengaruh mereka dan bahkan penguasaan mereka atas bangsa-bangsa dan negara-negara di sekitarnya. Jika dilihat dari sisi negatif, konfrontasi ini telah menyebabkan bangsa Indonesia melenceng dari garis kebijakan politik luar negeri bebas dan aktif. Terbukti pada waktu itu Indonesia menyatakan keluar dari keanggotaan di PBB, dan setelah itu ada kesan bahwa bangsa Indonesia dikucilkan dari pergaulan dunia internasional. Selain itu pula, peristiwa konfrontasi Indonesia-Malaysia ini dimanfaatkan oleh PKI untuk kepentingannya mendekatkan negara Indonesia dengan negara-negara komunis seperti USSR, Korea Utara dan RRC.Kata Kunci: Politik Luar Negeri, konfrontasi Indonesia dan MalaysiaABSTRACTIndonesia's actions in resignation as a member of the United Nations on 7 January 1965 when Malaysia was declared a non-permanent member of the UN security council. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the occurrence of national politics in the year 1963-1966. This research method uses a historical approach. Indonesia's foreign policy during the Indonesian confrontation with Malaysia in 1963-1966 deviated from the line of active free foreign policy. However, if viewed from the positive side, the action of President Soekarno to confrontation to Malaysia is very appropriate. In accordance with the line of active foreign policy of Indonesia, Indonesia does not want its neighbors to be agents of the colonialist and imperialist countries. If a country in Southeast Asia can be dominated by colonialist and imperialist forces, then the region will serve as a basis for the spread of their influence and even their control over the surrounding nations and nations. If viewed from the negative side, this confrontation has caused the Indonesian nation deviated from the line of free and active foreign policy. Evident at that time Indonesia declared out of membership in the United Nations, and after that there is the impression that the Indonesian nation is ostracized from the international community. In addition, Indonesia-Malaysia confrontation event is utilized by the PKI for its interests to bring the country of Indonesia with the communist countries such as the USSR, North Korea, and the PRC.Keywords: Foreign Policy, confrontation of Indonesia and Malaysia

Author(s):  
Manu Bhagavan

This chapter discusses India’s association with the United Nations. Guided by the vision of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, the country initially had a highly successful grand strategy guiding its foreign policy that placed that UN at the centre of its diplomatic efforts. Things took a sharp downward turn, however, during the administration of Indira Gandhi, and the relationship has lacked cohesion and meaningful direction ever since. In recent times, India has sought to become a permanent member of the Security Council and has relatedly but unsuccessfully attempted to wield influence, though large questions about its purpose and goals remain. Contemporary crises, though, now make the answers ever more urgent.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 562-592
Author(s):  
Wemblley Lucena de Araújo ◽  
Carlos Enrique Ruiz Ferreira

O presente trabalho apresenta um panorama da atuação do Brasil no Conselho de Segurança (CS) da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) na qualidade de membro não permanente no biênio 2004-2005. Esse foi o nono mandato brasileiro junto ao Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (CSNU). Diante da conjuntura analisada, o país já detinha certo protagonismo nas questões que envolvem a paz e a segurança internacional. Destas credenciais, as posições do Brasil nesse biênio estiveram pautadas nos princípios da política externa brasileira, como a ênfase no multilateralismo, resolução de controvérsias por meios pacíficos, respeito à soberania, promoção do desenvolvimento das sociedades pós-conflito e repudio as violações de direitos humanos. O destaque da atuação do Brasil no período em análise tange às principais discussões realizadas no CSNU, tais como: o estabelecimento da MINUSTAH, a reconstrução do Timor Leste, os desafios para o continente africano; o problema das questões nucleares, os conflitos no Oriente Médio e as questões de combate ao terrorismo. Ainda, foi durante este biênio, que o Brasil lançou-se na aliança G4 a fim de fortalecer seu desígnio de compor o CSNU na qualidade de membro permanente.Palavras-chave: Política Externa Brasileira; Conselho de Segurança; Organização das Nações Unidas; Mandato 2004-2005.  Abstract: The present paper shows an overview of Brazil's role in the Security Council (SC) of the United Nations (UN) in the non-permanent membership in 2004-2005. This was the ninth Brazilian mandate in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). On the analyzed scenario, the country already had a certain role on issues involving peace and international security. These credentials, Brazil's positions in this biennium were guided by the principles of Brazilian foreign policy, as the emphasis on multilateralism, dispute resolution through peaceful means, respect for sovereignty, promoting the development of post-conflict societies and repudiate the human rights violations. The highlight of Brazil's performance in the period under review with respect to major discussions in the UNSC, such as the establishment of MINUSTAH, the reconstruction of East Timor, the challenges for the African continent; the problem of the nuclear issues, conflicts in the Middle East and combat terrorism issues. Still, it was during this biennium, that Brazil was launched in alliance G4 to strengthen his plan to compose the UNSC as a permanent member.Keywords: Brazilian Foreign Policy; Security Council; The United Nations; Mandate 2004-2005.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-234
Author(s):  
Dewi Afrilianti ◽  
Budi Ardianto ◽  
Dony Yusra Pebrianto

This study aims to find out what is the reason the veto is considered irrelevant to the Security Council in realizing world security and peace in connection with the plan of veto power in the framework of reform of the United Nations Security Council because the use of veto rights by the five permanent member states of the Security Council, especially the United States has been used with no limits. The research method used is normative type with statutory, conceptual, and case approach. The results of this study show that the security council's veto power in practice has deviated from its original intent. The reform efforts of the United Nations Security Council have many obstacles but the main obstacles that greatly hinder the reform efforts are the arrogant, selfish, and willless nature of the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council who are veto holders to continue to maintain their hegemony and national interests. Keywords:  United Nations; Right; Veto;


Author(s):  
Bakare Najimdeen

Few years following its creation, the United Nations (UN) with the blessing of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) decided to establish the UN Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO), as a multilateral mechanism geared at fulfilling the Chapter VII of the UN Charter which empowered the Security Council to enforce measurement to maintain or restore international peace and security. Since its creation, the multilateral mechanism has recorded several successes and failures to its credit. While it is essentially not like traditional diplomacy, peacekeeping operations have evolved over the years and have emerged as a new form of diplomacy. Besides, theoretically underscoring the differences between diplomacy and foreign policy, which often appear as conflated, the paper demonstrates how diplomacy is an expression of foreign policy. Meanwhile, putting in context the change and transformation in global politics, particularly global conflict, the paper argues that traditional diplomacy has ceased to be the preoccupation and exclusive business of the foreign ministry and career diplomats, it now involves foot soldiers who are not necessarily diplomats but act as diplomats in terms of peacekeeping, negotiating between warring parties, carrying their countries’ emblems and representing the latter in resolving global conflict, and increasingly becoming the representation of their countries’ foreign policy objective, hence peacekeeping military diplomacy. The paper uses decades of Pakistan’s peacekeeping missions as a reference point to establish how a nation’s peacekeeping efforts represent and qualifies as military diplomacy. It also presented the lessons and good practices Pakistan can sell to the rest of the world vis-à-vis peacekeeping and lastly how well Pakistan can consolidate its peacekeeping diplomacy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 109 (4) ◽  
pp. 806-821
Author(s):  
Jean Galbraith

Criticism of the Security Council tends to take one of two forms: first, that it does not act enough; and second, that it acts unwisely. Although these concerns are quite different, they both have partial causal roots in the Council’s voting process. Article 27 of the United Nations Charter provides that Council decisions on nonprocedural matters require “an affirmative vote of nine members including the concurring votes of the permanent members.” The ability of any of the five permanent member stove to a Council resolution makes it difficult for the Council both to act in the first place and to pass corrective resolutions when existing resolutions are criticized as problematic. Indeed, the difficulty of undoing resolutions can make Council members wary about allowing the passage of resolutions at the very outset.


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