India and the United Nations

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manu Bhagavan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Grand Strategy ◽  
Mahatma Gandhi ◽  
Permanent Member ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Jawaharlal Nehru ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter discusses India’s association with the United Nations. Guided by the vision of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, the country initially had a highly successful grand strategy guiding its foreign policy that placed that UN at the centre of its diplomatic efforts. Things took a sharp downward turn, however, during the administration of Indira Gandhi, and the relationship has lacked cohesion and meaningful direction ever since. In recent times, India has sought to become a permanent member of the Security Council and has relatedly but unsuccessfully attempted to wield influence, though large questions about its purpose and goals remain. Contemporary crises, though, now make the answers ever more urgent.

scholarly journals POLITIK LUAR NEGERI REPUBLIK INDONESIA PADA MASA KONFRONTASI INDONESIA-MALAYSIA TAHUN 1963-1966

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Yadi Kusmayadi
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Research Method ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Positive Side ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Permanent Member ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Communist Countries

ABSTRAKTindakan Indonesia dalam pengunduran diri sebagai anggota PBB pada tanggal 7 Januari 1965 ketika Malaysia dinyatakan menjadi anggota tidak tetap dewan keamanan PBB. Tujuan penulisan ini untuk menganalisi peristiwa terjadinya politik nuar negeri pada tahun 1963-1966. Metode penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan historis. Politik luar negeri Indonesia pada masa konfrontasi Indonesia dengan Malaysia tahun 1963-1966 melenceng dari garis politik luar negeri bebas aktif. Namun jika dilihat dari sisi positif, tindakan Presiden Soekarno melakukan konfrontasi kepada Malaysia sangat tepat. Sesuai dengan garis kebijakan politik luar negeri Indonesia yang bebas aktif, Indonesia tidak menghendaki negara tetangganya menjadi antek-antek negara kolonialis dan imperialis. Apabila sebuah negara di Asia Tenggara dapat dikuasai oleh kekuatan kolonialis dan imperialis, maka wilayah tersebut akan dijadikan basis bagi penyebaran pengaruh mereka dan bahkan penguasaan mereka atas bangsa-bangsa dan negara-negara di sekitarnya. Jika dilihat dari sisi negatif, konfrontasi ini telah menyebabkan bangsa Indonesia melenceng dari garis kebijakan politik luar negeri bebas dan aktif. Terbukti pada waktu itu Indonesia menyatakan keluar dari keanggotaan di PBB, dan setelah itu ada kesan bahwa bangsa Indonesia dikucilkan dari pergaulan dunia internasional. Selain itu pula, peristiwa konfrontasi Indonesia-Malaysia ini dimanfaatkan oleh PKI untuk kepentingannya mendekatkan negara Indonesia dengan negara-negara komunis seperti USSR, Korea Utara dan RRC.Kata Kunci: Politik Luar Negeri, konfrontasi Indonesia dan MalaysiaABSTRACTIndonesia's actions in resignation as a member of the United Nations on 7 January 1965 when Malaysia was declared a non-permanent member of the UN security council. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the occurrence of national politics in the year 1963-1966. This research method uses a historical approach. Indonesia's foreign policy during the Indonesian confrontation with Malaysia in 1963-1966 deviated from the line of active free foreign policy. However, if viewed from the positive side, the action of President Soekarno to confrontation to Malaysia is very appropriate. In accordance with the line of active foreign policy of Indonesia, Indonesia does not want its neighbors to be agents of the colonialist and imperialist countries. If a country in Southeast Asia can be dominated by colonialist and imperialist forces, then the region will serve as a basis for the spread of their influence and even their control over the surrounding nations and nations. If viewed from the negative side, this confrontation has caused the Indonesian nation deviated from the line of free and active foreign policy. Evident at that time Indonesia declared out of membership in the United Nations, and after that there is the impression that the Indonesian nation is ostracized from the international community. In addition, Indonesia-Malaysia confrontation event is utilized by the PKI for its interests to bring the country of Indonesia with the communist countries such as the USSR, North Korea, and the PRC.Keywords: Foreign Policy, confrontation of Indonesia and Malaysia

UN Peacekeeping Operations and Successful Military Diplomacy: A Case Study of Pakistan

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bakare Najimdeen
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Policy Objective ◽  
Peacekeeping Operations ◽  
Un Peacekeeping ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Peacekeeping Missions ◽  
Military Diplomacy

Few years following its creation, the United Nations (UN) with the blessing of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) decided to establish the UN Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO), as a multilateral mechanism geared at fulfilling the Chapter VII of the UN Charter which empowered the Security Council to enforce measurement to maintain or restore international peace and security. Since its creation, the multilateral mechanism has recorded several successes and failures to its credit. While it is essentially not like traditional diplomacy, peacekeeping operations have evolved over the years and have emerged as a new form of diplomacy. Besides, theoretically underscoring the differences between diplomacy and foreign policy, which often appear as conflated, the paper demonstrates how diplomacy is an expression of foreign policy. Meanwhile, putting in context the change and transformation in global politics, particularly global conflict, the paper argues that traditional diplomacy has ceased to be the preoccupation and exclusive business of the foreign ministry and career diplomats, it now involves foot soldiers who are not necessarily diplomats but act as diplomats in terms of peacekeeping, negotiating between warring parties, carrying their countries’ emblems and representing the latter in resolving global conflict, and increasingly becoming the representation of their countries’ foreign policy objective, hence peacekeeping military diplomacy. The paper uses decades of Pakistan’s peacekeeping missions as a reference point to establish how a nation’s peacekeeping efforts represent and qualifies as military diplomacy. It also presented the lessons and good practices Pakistan can sell to the rest of the world vis-à-vis peacekeeping and lastly how well Pakistan can consolidate its peacekeeping diplomacy.

The UN Secretary-General and the Security Council

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Organizational Relationships ◽  
Dynamic Relationship ◽  
International Mediation ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Relationship

The United Nations Secretary-General and the United Nations Security Council spend significant amounts of time on their relationship with each other. They rely on each other for such important activities as peacekeeping, international mediation, and the formulation and application of normative standards in defense of international peace and security—in other words, the executive aspects of the UN’s work. The edited book The UN Secretary-General and the Security Council: A Dynamic Relationship aims to fill an important lacuna in the scholarship on the UN system. Although there exists an impressive body of literature on the development and significance of the Secretariat and the Security Council as separate organs, an important gap remains in our understanding of the interactions between them. Bringing together some of the most prominent authorities on the subject, this volume is the first book-length treatment of this topic. It studies the UN from an innovative angle, creating new insights on the (autonomous) policy-making of international organizations and adding to our understanding of the dynamics of intra-organizational relationships. Within the book, the contributors examine how each Secretary-General interacted with the Security Council, touching upon such issues as the role of personality, the formal and informal infrastructure of the relationship, the selection and appointment processes, as well as the Secretary-General’s threefold role as a crisis manager, administrative manager, and manager of ideas.

scholarly journals Ending Security Council Resolutions

2015 ◽  
Vol 109 (4) ◽  
pp. 806-821
Author(s):  
Jean Galbraith
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Permanent Member ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
United Nations Charter

Criticism of the Security Council tends to take one of two forms: first, that it does not act enough; and second, that it acts unwisely. Although these concerns are quite different, they both have partial causal roots in the Council’s voting process. Article 27 of the United Nations Charter provides that Council decisions on nonprocedural matters require “an affirmative vote of nine members including the concurring votes of the permanent members.” The ability of any of the five permanent member stove to a Council resolution makes it difficult for the Council both to act in the first place and to pass corrective resolutions when existing resolutions are criticized as problematic. Indeed, the difficulty of undoing resolutions can make Council members wary about allowing the passage of resolutions at the very outset.

The Politics of Human Rights Diplomacy

2020 ◽  
pp. 097359842094343
Author(s):  
Anupama Ghosal ◽  
Sreeja Pal
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
National Security ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
Precise Formulation ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Relationship

The issue of Human Rights features as a prominent agenda of the United Nations and its related international organizations. However, when it comes to precise formulation of a country’s foreign policy in bilateral or multilateral forums, the issues of trade and national security find priority over pressing human rights violations occurring within the countries engaged in the diplomatic dialogue. An often-employed reason behind such an approach is the need to respect sovereignty and non-interference of a country in diplomacy. This article aims at analysing the potential which diplomacy holds to pressurize recalcitrant regimes to respect human rights. In doing so, the article tries to explore the ambit of Human Rights Diplomacy and the relationship between agenda of politics and human rights.

What Future for the UN Charter System of War Prevention?

2003 ◽  
Vol 97 (3) ◽  
pp. 590-598 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard A. Falk
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
International Law ◽  
Security Council ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Inspection Process ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Relationship

President George W. Bush historically challenged the United Nations Security Council when he uttered some memorable words in the course of his September 12, 2002, speech to the General Assembly: “Will the UN serve the purpose of its founding, or will it be irrelevant?” In the aftermath of the Iraq war there are at least two answers to this question. The answer of the U.S. government would be to suggest that the United Nations turned out to be irrelevant due to its failure to endorse recourse to war against the Iraq of Saddam Hussein. The answer of those who opposed the war is that the UN Security Council served the purpose of its founding by its refusal to endorse recourse to a war that could not be persuasively reconciled with the UN Charter and international law. This difference of assessment is not just factual, whether Iraq was a threat and whether the inspection process was succeeding at a reasonable pace; it was also conceptual, even jurisprudential. The resolution of this latter debate is likely to shape the future role of the United Nations, as well as influence the attitude of the most powerful sovereign state as to the relationship between international law generally and the use of force as an instrument of foreign policy.

scholarly journals The African Union, the United Nations Security Council and the Politicisation of International Justice in Africa

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benson Chinedu Olugbuo
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
International Criminal Court ◽  
International Criminal ◽  
Criminal Court ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
African Union ◽  
African Countries ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Relationship

There are two questions with multiple answers regarding the relationship between Africa and the International Criminal Court. The first is whether the International Criminal Court is targeting Africa and the second is if politics plays any role in the decision to investigate and prosecute crimes within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. For the African Union, the International Criminal Court has become a western court targeting weak African countries and ignoring the atrocities committed by big powers including permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. The accusation by the African Union against the International Criminal Court leads to the argument that the International Criminal Court is currently politised. This is a charge consistently denied by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. The aim of this paper is to discuss the relationship between the United Nations Security Council, the International Criminal Court and the African Union. It articulates the role of the three institutions in the fight against impunity and the maintenance of international peace and security with reference to the African continent. The paper argues that complementarity should be applied to regional organisations and that the relationship between the African Union and the International Criminal Court should be guided by the application of positive complementarity and a nuanced approach to the interests of justice. This offers the International Criminal Court and the African Union an opportunity to develop mutual trust and result-oriented strategies to confront the impunity on the continent. The paper further argues that the power of the United Nations Security Council to refer situations to the International Criminal Court and defer cases before the Court is a primary source of the disagreement between the prosecutor and the African Union and recommends a division of labour between the International Criminal Court and the United Nations Security Council.

The Formation of Russian Foreign Policy Principles and Strategies: S. V. Lavrov as a Permanent Representative of the Russian Federation to the United Nations Security Council (2000–2004)

2021 ◽  
pp. 31-42
Author(s):  
А.А. Синдеев
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Presidential Address ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
Russian President ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The United Nations

Актуальность статьи определяется востребованностью на нынешнем этапе осмысления опыта современной России исследований, посвященных процессам, явлениям, принципам и подходам, сопровождавшим формирование ее внешней политики. При этом речь идет как об универсальном, так и об индивидуальном (личностном) уровнях. Об актуальности выбранной темы свидетельствуют совпавшие в 2020 году два юбилея — Организации Объединенных Наций, ее Совета Безопасности и юбилей министра иностранных дел России Сергея Викторовича Лаврова. С учетом последнего факта данная статья не носит свойственного юбилейным статьям характера. Ее цель состоит в том, чтобы проанализировать, какие принципы и подходы в конце ХХ — начале XXI века были положены в основу российской внешней политики. Для реализации заявленной цели автор использовал открытые источники — послания Президента РФ В. В. Путина Федеральному собранию с 2000 по 2004 год, а также все протоколы заседаний Совета Безопасности ООН за вышеуказанный хронологический период, и выделил для статьи те из них, которые касались борьбы с терроризмом, поскольку эта проблематика была востребована в 2000–2004 годах и предоставляла хорошие шансы для объединения усилий различных партнеров. Данные материалы потребовали применения системного подхода, историко-генетического, историко-типологического и сравнительно-исторического методов. Результатами проведенного исследования стали систематизация официальных внешнеполитических установок, анализ принципов и подходов, использованных С. В. Лавровым на посту постоянного представителя России в Совбезе ООН. Полученные результаты необходимо воспринимать как предварительные. Работа над проблемой должна быть продолжена. The relevance of the article is accounted for by the necessity to analyze and reassess research works devoted to the processes, phenomena, principles and strategies that have shaped the foreign policy of modern Russia. The article treats the issue on both universal and individual (personal) levels. The relevance of the issue is accounted for by two anniversaries we celebrate in 2020, namely the 20th anniversary of the United Nations Security Council and the 70th birth anniversary of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Sergey Viktorovich Lavrov. It should be noted, however, that the tone of the article is not celebratory. It is aimed at the analysis of principles and strategies of the foreign policy adopted by the Russian Federation in the late 20th — early 21stcenturies. To achieve the aim of the research, the author of the article analyzes open sources, such as Presidential Address to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation given by the Russian president Vladimir Putin in 2000–2004, and all the minutes of meetings of the United Nations Security Council in 2000–2004. The author focuses attention on speeches devoted to the struggle against terrorism, for the issue was highly relevant in 2000–2004 and demanded that partners should coordinate their efforts to combat common challenges. To analyze the abovementioned data, the author of the article employed systemic approach, history and genetic approach, historical-typological approach, comparative-historical approach. The research enabled the author to systematize official guidelines of Russian foreign policy and to analyze the principles and strategies used by S. V. Lavrov as permanent representative of the Russian Federation to the United Nations Security Council. It should be noted that the findings of the research are preliminary and require further analysis.

Guarding the Interest Frontiers

2021 ◽  
pp. 203-240
Author(s):  
Andrea Ghiselli
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Security Architecture ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Chinese Military ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Relationship

The Chinese government’s changing understanding of the relationship between non-traditional security issues and foreign policy, that is, the same process behind the awareness of the necessity to protect the interest frontiers, has driven and shaped China’s military footprint in Africa and the Middle East since the 1990s. Hence, it is not surprising that the quantity, the type, and the ways that Chinese military assets have been deployed there started to change as Chinese policymakers became more convinced of the necessity to use military tools to support the efforts to protect the lives and assets of Chinese nationals and firms. A Chinese multidimensional security architecture has emerged in recent years with the newly opened base in Djibouti at its center. The presence of Chinese soldiers changed from being country- to subregion-focused and from single- to multipurpose-oriented. Yet, this chapter also shows how two key issues—the difficulties of acting through the United Nations and technical and legal uncertainties—have shaped this process.

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