Tables Away from Home

Author(s):  
Janet A. Flammang

This chapter focuses on table conversations that take place outside the home. More specifically, it considers in-depth cases of how our civic selves are developed through conversations in a variety of settings such as friends' homes, schools, camps, colleges, religious institutions, firehouses, addiction-recovery programs, gang prevention programs, and the military. After discussing commensality and conversation found at school tables, the chapter examines table talk that transpires at camp tables, college tables, religious tables, male tables, homies dinners, military meals, and at meetings of Alcoholics Anonymous and other programs for recovering addicts. It shows that people gathered at tables away from home emulate domestic tables by re-creating “family” or “comfort” or “safety,” all of which help an individual find his/her voice in conversations.

2020 ◽  
Vol 79 ◽  
pp. 101747 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Brisson ◽  
Igor Pekelny ◽  
Michael Ungar

Author(s):  
Larisa Aleksandrovna CHERESHNEVA

India and Pakistan, which emerged on the political map of the world 70 years ago, with the end of two hundred years of colonial rule of Britain, appeared to be the first states in the South Asia that demonstrated the uniqueness of the algorithms of the sovereignty of the liberated countries of the East. To what extent was it possible to combine tradition and modernization in their state-building? Return to the Eastern despotism, monarchical princely forms of governing or the creation of republics? What was the role in the States of free Hindustan to be supposed for their religion, religious institutions? Could the system of separation of powers correspond to the traditional ideas of many Indian and Pakistani peoples about power? We describe the characteristics of the program models of the state system, developed by the leading political forces of Colonial India – the All-Indian National Congress and the Muslim League for the future independent Hindustan, and their correlation with the real state and legal foundations of the Indian Union and Pakistan, formed in 1947–1956. It is noted that the League had only a general idea of the state formation and nation-building of Pakistan, which could not but affect the specifics of the Muslim project “Two Nations-two Indias” and subsequently led Pakistan to slide to the military dictatorships. The interrelation of the development of democratic legislation with the ideas of social justice, equality of national and ethno-religious minorities and the title majority is shown, the emphasis is placed on the risks of violation of the historical multiculturalism of the Indian civilization. We have involved the Indian, Pakistani and British documentaries on state-legal, historical and political issues, archival materials of the National Archives of India.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-166
Author(s):  
Lymarie Rodriguez-Morales

This article presents findings from a study that explored young adult men’s lived experience of addiction recovery whilst participating in Alcoholics Anonymous and Twelve Step fellowships in the UK. It argues that changes in self-narrative and temporality might be critical features of the experience of addiction recovery in young adults, facilitating the process of individuation. Examples from the participants’ accounts are provided to illustrate the changes in their sense of identity in light of their recovery trajectories. Participant recovery, as in the mythical hero’s journey, shows itself to be a quest through transformation and growth into a genuine and balanced selfhood, necessitating the difficult transcendence of an unwholesome selfhood that was manifested in their addiction. In mythical literature, the hero develops authenticity and a higher ethical conduct as the result of a process of individuation, and we can find evidence to suggest a similar occurrence in the participants’ journeys. Finally, I reflect on the limitations of the biomedical language of addiction and the potential implications of the hero’s journey myth in the delineation of a more humane and empathic discourse on young men’s recovery and selfchange.


Author(s):  
Rachel L. Einwohner ◽  
Reid J. Leamaster ◽  
Benjamin Pratt

Women’s activism has focused not only on state institutions, such as the military, electoral politics, and education, but also on religious institutions. At the same time, participation in organized religion has helped women develop organizational and leadership skills that they can then draw on for their activism, both in movements directed toward religious institutions and in other, non-religious movements. Further, religion provides cultural frames that can be used in making sense of activism and in recruiting others for various causes. This chapter presents an overview of research on women’s activism and religious institutions, with a focus on U.S. activism. It discusses research on the ways in which participation in religious institutions provides resources for women’s activism, including organizational skills and resonant framings. Finally, it notes how women’s activism may exist in tension with religious institutions and identities, but that these tensions may be addressed by what the authors call “fusion.”


Traditio ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 317-345 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. Forey

The most outstanding event in the history of the military orders at the end of the thirteenth and start of the fourteenth centuries was, of course, the dissolution of the Temple. This was not, however, an isolated happening. Although the accusations which led to the abolition of that order had been publicly voiced only shortly before the Templars‘ arrest, the proceedings against the Temple took place at a time when criticism of the military orders in general was mounting, and this growth of hostile opinion no doubt facilitated Philip IV's attack on the Templars. Ever since their foundation the military orders had been subjected to some criticism, but much early censure had been of a kind which might be directed against any religious establishment, especially by members of the secular clergy who found that their authority and resources were being impaired by the privileges which the military orders and other religious institutions enjoyed: it was not primarily concerned with the orders’ contribution to the struggle against the infidel. But as the fortunes of the crusading states declined, the military orders became increasingly criticised for their inadequacies as defenders of Christendom. Defeat in the Holy Land had to be explained by faults on the Christian side rather than in terms of Muslim superiority, and the military orders were an obvious target for attack. The authors of the numerous crusading proposals which were put forward in the late-thirteenth and early-fourteenth centuries were inevitably influenced by this growing criticism, and many crusading plans therefore included suggestions concerning the military orders. Those who drew up proposals did not themselves provide a reasoned or detailed account of the orders' faults or attempt to judge to what extent these failings contributed to Christian defeats, but the criticisms on which they based their plans were clearly not altogether groundless: although some strictures were ill-informed or excessive, the policies which the orders themselves pursued certainly provided a starting-point for the growth of hostile opinion. Yet some writers did not seek merely to remedy existing defects in the orders; they sought also to discuss what the role of the military order should be in the struggle against the infidel, and thus viewed the subject in a rather wider context.


Author(s):  
Samuel Helfont

Chapter 2 discusses the Ba’thist regime’s policies toward religion, and particularly Islam, in the late 1970s and 1980s. The regime formed local committees and provincial leagues for Iraq’s religious leaders and established a system to co-opt religious scholars who possessed—or sought—a national or even international reputation. It also attempted to take over the finances of mosques and religious schools by bringing all Iraqi mosques under the control of the state-controlled ministry, eliminating independent financing of religious institutions, and enforcing compliance among all of Iraq’s religious leaders. At the national level, the regime developed the Popular Islamic Conference Organization, and it brought religious chaplains in the military as part of the Iran-Iraq War. These efforts significantly increased the regime’s institutional capacity to deal with religious issues.


Why Delegate? ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 50-96
Author(s):  
Neil J. Mitchell

Professionals are in good standing in the principal-agent literature. With a sense of professional responsibility, an honor code or an oath, they bring extra effort to challenging and difficult to monitor tasks. Often they repay our trust. But there are also substantial challenges in delegating to those with difficult to replace knowledge and specialized training. These challenges are discussed in this chapter in a variety of individual and organizational contexts and in particular in analyzing the use that religious institutions and governments make of those with specialized training. Notwithstanding their rigidly hierarchical organizational structures, complete with rules of conduct and quite fearsome methods of control, the Catholic Church and the military have difficulty keeping agents on task. The chapter shows how these agents exploit their positions. Observing the theoretically unexpected passivity of principals when confronted with non-compliant behavior in these organizations, this chapter modifies the accepted account with the argument that group loyalties, asset specificity, and what the author refers to as the “agent confidence factor” put up the cost of punishment for the principal and protect noncompliant agents from the normal consequences of their actions.


Author(s):  
Morton Oxenboell

In standard accounts of medieval Japanese society, enormous stress is put on the conflicts between local landholders (zaichi ryōshu) and absentee proprietors. Fuelled by the debate on feudalism that divided scholars up until the early 1990s, these conflicts have widely been recognised as proof of the diminishing powers of the central elite in, or near, Kyoto and of the increasing absorption of power by warriors in both the countryside and in the administration of the military government, the bakufu. The conflicts were, in other words, seen in the structural context of a system of huge landed estates (shōen) owned by court nobles or large religious institutions, which were gradually replaced by much smaller proprietary units controlled personally by individual warrior families.


2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Thompson ◽  
Courtney R. Lincoln ◽  
Alicia J. Leland ◽  
Beth S. Russell

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