Co-opting and Coercing Religion in Saddam’s Iraq

Author(s):  
Samuel Helfont

Chapter 2 discusses the Ba’thist regime’s policies toward religion, and particularly Islam, in the late 1970s and 1980s. The regime formed local committees and provincial leagues for Iraq’s religious leaders and established a system to co-opt religious scholars who possessed—or sought—a national or even international reputation. It also attempted to take over the finances of mosques and religious schools by bringing all Iraqi mosques under the control of the state-controlled ministry, eliminating independent financing of religious institutions, and enforcing compliance among all of Iraq’s religious leaders. At the national level, the regime developed the Popular Islamic Conference Organization, and it brought religious chaplains in the military as part of the Iran-Iraq War. These efforts significantly increased the regime’s institutional capacity to deal with religious issues.

Penamas ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 185
Author(s):  
Tiwi - Etika

This article is the result of a research on the Kaharingan problematic issues of religious identity after being integrated into Hindu Dharma. During the ‘New Order’ (President Soeharto's government) Kaharingan religion was not included in one of the religions served by the state. The issue of state recognition and the ease of obtaining civil services for Kaharingan adherents are strong reasons for Kaharingan religious leaders to integrate Kaharingan as part of Hinduism. The research raises the issues: (1) how is the process of integrating Kaharingan religion into Hindu Dharma? (2) what are the implications of such integration? and, (3) how is the existence of Kaharingan religious identity as the original ‘Dayak tribe religion’ after integration into Hindu Dharma in the future? This study aims to portray the existence of Kaharingan religion during integration into Hindu Dharma. This type of research is qualitative-descriptive with the method of collecting data through observation and interviews with religious leaders and administrators of religious institutions namely the Hindu Kaharingan Grand Council (MB-AHK), as well as an analysis of documents related to the object of research. Theories used in this research are integration theory, identity theory and locality theory. The integration process has implications for various fields, ranging from education, social, religious, economic, political upto cultural identity. The future challenges of Kaharingan are: internal conflict, a dilemma of distortion from third parties and stigmatization as one of the Hindu Dharma sects.


Author(s):  
E. Dabagyan

The author puts forward and substantiates a thesis about the transformation of Brazil into an important actor of the international relations. This becomes possible because a number of factors, including the well-designed, multi-tasked and balanced foreign policy strategy. It was founded during the military regime. Then, it was maintained and developed by the civilian Brazilian governments, primarily by such an outstanding figure as the president L. da Silva. His successor D. Rousseff s in a short period of time managed to gain a solid international reputation. She successfully copes with the mission to lead Brazil into the club of world’s great powers. To perform this task Brazilian government constantly makes efforts to strengthen relations with the neighbors on the Latin American continent, to gradually smoothen tensions with the United States. Also, it closely works with the countries of BRICS, contributes to building bridges between the South and the North, as well as actively participates in the activities of international organizations and the settlement of contentious issues in the world.


2006 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brigitte Mral

Abstract Initiating an attack on another country is always a questionable venture, whether one chooses to call it war or prefers euphemisms such as conflict, incident, action or peacecreating measures. This study examines how the arguments were developed prior to the military actions in Iraq 2003. The events have been presented in vague and often distorted value terms and metaphors where war becomes peace, attacks becomes ‘pre-emptive defence’, military invasion becomes ‘change of regime’, occupation becomes ‘humanitarian intervention’.This study provides a diachronic survey of the chain of events from rhetorical perspectives, as well as a synchronic analysis of recurring rhetorical themes - especially of vague concepts and metaphors. Manipulation and lies has of course always been a basic ingredient of warfare. The question is what approach democratic societies should take in relation to self-evidently deceptive influencing of public opinion; to manipulative rhetoric and destructive propaganda.


2007 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin H. Kahl

The belief that U.S. forces regularly violate the norm of noncombatant immunity (i.e., the notion that civilians should not be targeted or disproportionately harmed during hostilities) has been widely held since the outset of the Iraq War. Yet the evidence suggests that the U.S. military has done a better job of respecting noncombatant immunity in Iraq than is commonly thought. It also suggests that compliance has improved over time as the military has adjusted its behavior in response to real and perceived violations of the norm. This behavior is best explained by the internalization of noncombatant immunity within the U.S. military's organizational culture, especially since the Vietnam War. Contemporary U.S. military culture is characterized by an “annihilation-restraint paradox”: a commitment to the use of overwhelming but lawful force. The restraint portion of this paradox explains relatively high levels of U.S. adherence with the norm of noncombatant immunity in Iraq, while the tension between annihilation and restraint helps to account for instances of noncompliance and for why Iraqi civilian casualties from U.S. operations, although low by historical standards, have still probably been higher than was militarily necessary or inevitable.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-31
Author(s):  
Paul TUDORACHE

Abstract: The manifestation of different dissensions regarding the use of planning methodologies in the operations process has become a reality, both at national level and within NATO. Therefore, this research paper contributes to the theoretical clarification on defining the specific methodologies, respectively their employment in relation to the level of Land Forces military operations. Another objective of this paper is to make a comparative analysis between the design methodology, military decision making process (MDMP) and troop leading procedures (TLP), targeting the military structures within the Land Forces, and those belonging to NATO. Also, at the end, the paper highlights some perspectives of improving planning, as the primary activity which starts the operations process.


2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ross McGarry

The purpose of this article is to illustrate prescient issues relating to current and ex-military communities in the United Kingdom who have featured heavily within the policy arena over the past decade in relation to several key areas of importance. It will be illustrated how this population becomes visible within the public imagination (via military losses), how discourses relating to the harms they experience are structured and articulated within political and policy domains (particularly in relation to mental health) via “state talk” (qua Sim), and what the potential social consequences are for politically rendering an unproblematized populist view of current and ex-military communities (i.e., pending crises). This argument is made with the express intention of reengaging critical recognition of the distancing of the military institution from the physical and psychological vulnerability of those who have participated in war and military environments. This is an argument returned to pertinence from the recent publication of the Chilcot Inquiry into British involvement in the Iraq war.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 472-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard John Lowe

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to highlight the need for predictive intelligence to support anti-money laundering programs in the financial sector. Design/methodology/approach The methodology adopted herein consists of a literature review on the use of intelligence in anti-money laundering, the sources of intelligence and information used in the financial sector, supported by experience gained from investigating and prosecuting money laundering cases, and the assistance provided to financial services companies. Findings Banks and other regulated services are required to meet international standards to deny services to criminals and terrorists, identify suspicious activity and report to the authorities. Regulated businesses have large operations which check customers against sources that confirm their identity or against lists of proscribed or suspected offenders at an individual or national level. Their controls tend to look backwards when other organisations that rely on intelligence, such as the military, value predictive, forward-looking intelligence. The penalties that banks and others face for failure in their controls are increasingly severe, as looking backwards and not forwards reduces the extent to which the controls meet their purpose of reducing the impact of organized crime and terrorism. Originality/value This paper serves as a useful guide to alert and educate anti-money laundering professionals, law enforcement and policy makers of the importance of predictive intelligence in countering organized crime and terrorism. It also considers whether lessons in intelligence handling from other areas can inform a debate on how intelligence can be developed to counter money laundering.


Author(s):  
Jacob R. Longaker

Brazil has boasted a vibrant and creative LGBT movement since the late 1970s. Early organizing focused on consciousness-raising, the formation of a collective identity, and political opposition to the military dictatorship (1964–1985). These years saw transformations in understandings of individual and collective identity, publications in an early homophile press, and successful experiences organizing in homosexual gay and lesbian groups. In the late 1980s, with the advent of HIV/AIDS and re-democratization, the movement began a turn to institutionalized politics and public policy. Strategic engagement with the state as legally registered civil society organizations established a framework for a routine and cooperative relationship in policy and policymaking. This occurred first for HIV/AIDS service provision and later for LGBT citizenship. By the 1990s, the movement embraced identity politics and grappled with an explosion of advocacy on behalf of identity groups that make up the alphabet soup of LGBT politics, particularly lesbian and transgender rights groups that had been less visible in earlier years. Movement successes, such as same-sex partnership recognition, gender-identity recognitions, and policy programs against violence, have been accomplished primarily through engagement with the judiciary and executive, not the legislature (nor electoral politics). The legislature and electoral politics have failed to produce significant gains in LGBT-friendly policy at the national level; however, state and municipal LGBT-friendly policy exists. Moving forward, persistent challenges include divisive partisan [identity] politics within the movement, concerted opposition from conservative evangelical politicians, and volatility of the national political context. These challenges jeopardize policy successes that the movement has made through rather precarious executive and judicial avenues.


Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 256
Author(s):  
Daniel H. Olsen ◽  
Scott C. Esplin

For centuries, people have traveled to sacred sites for multiple reasons, ranging from the performance of religious rituals to curiosity. As the numbers of visitors to religious heritage sites have increased, so has the integration of religious heritage into tourism supply offerings. There is a growing research agenda focusing on the growth and management of this tourism niche market. However, little research has focused on the role that religious institutions and leadership play in the development of religious heritage tourism. The purpose of this paper is to examine the role of religious leaders and the impacts their decisions have on the development of religious heritage tourism through a consideration of three case studies related to recent decisions made by the leadership of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.


Author(s):  
S. Motyka

The image of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is a complex and multifaceted socio-psychological and political phenomenon. A professionallycreated image functions as the most adequate informational object, creating public affection and recognition assuring the adequate perception of the Armed Forces as the power institution of the state. Thus, there's a relevant national challenge to form the positive image of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, and the numerous and versatile definitions of the term "image", the existence of a great number of approaches aimed at interpreting this definition, prove the multilateral aspects, the multidimensional categories and the significant scientific interest to this particular challenge.The Armed Forces of Ukraine is one of the most important elements of the political system of both state and society. In accordance with the Law of Ukraine "On the Armed Forces of Ukraine", the purpose of their existence is the protection of national interests, territorial integrity and inviolability of state borders. Considering the current state of development of the Ukrainian society, the state and its Armed Forces which is determined by the permanent increase of importance of the spiritual component, the issues of patriotic education and forming the image of the Armed Forces, are becoming the top state priority.The realities of modern life determine the objective necessity to develop a clear concept and the generic PR-strategy of the informativecommunication policy of the Armed Forces at a national level, with the aim to establish their positive image, based on the scientific approach and prominent world experience, yet taking into account the modern Ukrainian realities.The international experience has a variety of examples when the implementation of image technologies happens to play a significant role in solving a number of internal state developing tasks, namely: harmonizing the military-civil relations; increasing the level of the military-patriotic education and the general awareness of society in terms of task and activity of the Armed Forces, establishing firmness and sustainability of the moral-psychological state of the subordinated personnel, reinforcing military discipline etc.The information on the Armed Forces of Ukraine is to reflect the actual state of affairs. It is the irrelavance and the disproportion of theinformational material about the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the realities of life that has promoted the lack of trust in the course of the years of Independence, not only to the military command in particular, but to the state authorities as a whole.The article presents an analysis of the relevance of forming the image of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.


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