Push, Pull, and Fusion

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel L. Einwohner ◽  
Reid J. Leamaster ◽  
Benjamin Pratt
Keyword(s):  
Leadership Skills ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Religious Movements ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
Women's Activism ◽  
Organizational Skills ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Making Sense ◽  
Politics And Education ◽  
The Military

Women’s activism has focused not only on state institutions, such as the military, electoral politics, and education, but also on religious institutions. At the same time, participation in organized religion has helped women develop organizational and leadership skills that they can then draw on for their activism, both in movements directed toward religious institutions and in other, non-religious movements. Further, religion provides cultural frames that can be used in making sense of activism and in recruiting others for various causes. This chapter presents an overview of research on women’s activism and religious institutions, with a focus on U.S. activism. It discusses research on the ways in which participation in religious institutions provides resources for women’s activism, including organizational skills and resonant framings. Finally, it notes how women’s activism may exist in tension with religious institutions and identities, but that these tensions may be addressed by what the authors call “fusion.”

Religion and inequality: the lasting impact of religious traditions and institutions on welfare state development

2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Jordan
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Social Protection ◽  
Historical Record ◽  
Religious Movements ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
Religious Traditions ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Income Distributions ◽  
Welfare State Development ◽  
Western Democracies

A strong correlation exists between inequality and religion, such that societies marked by high inequality are more religious than those with more egalitarian income distributions. What explains this correlation? Insecurity theory argues that high inequality generates intense insecurities, leading the poor to seek shelter in religion for both psychological and material comfort. This article develops an alternative perspective that reverses the chain of causality. It argues that religious institutions and movements frequently resist both the centralization of state power and socialist efforts to organize the working class. As a result, powerful religious movements constrain state-led efforts to provide social protection, increasing income inequality. Analysis of the historical record and contemporary data from 19 Western democracies reveals strong evidence that past periods of church-state conflict shaped the size and structure of welfare state institutions and, by extension, contemporary patterns of inequality.

scholarly journals Entrepreneurship in the Personal Life and Family Memories of the Dnipro and ATO Fighters

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 266
Author(s):  
Iryna Reva
Keyword(s):  
Military Service ◽  
Interdisciplinary Approach ◽  
Leadership Qualities ◽  
Self Identity ◽  
Organizational Skills ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Personal Qualities ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
First Time

The aim of the article is to study the entrepreneurial characteristics, attitudes and behavioral patterns of Ukrainian volunteer soldiers who have their own entrepreneurial experience and / or whose family memory has been saved examples of successful management of ancestors.In this study was used an interdisciplinary approach, the following historical and psychological methods of research were applied such as the method of oral history, psychodiagnostic method, biographical method, retrospective, comparative, and others.The main results of this work are the definition of such personal qualities of military, who are entrepreneurs: developed subjectivity, determined by faith in the effectiveness of their actions; leadership qualities and organizational skills; readiness to assume responsibility; creativity, ingenuity; the existence of a clear system of values; desire for self-identity; faith in the justice of the universe; preparedness for risk; active civic position; formed Ukrainian national identity. Some respondents who are descendants of repressed people have mistrust of the authorities and state institutions; shyness towards the expression of Ukrainian identity; readiness to rely only on oneself.Concise conclusions. During the rebuilt of the Ukrainian Army, especially in early 2014, to a large extent, the very entrepreneurial features allowed entrepreneurs to show themselves as active, creative, organizational strength.Practical meaning. The observations in this article can be taken into account when enrolling in the military service of citizens with entrepreneurial experience.Originality. For the first time in the focus of the study were features, outlook settings and patterns of Ukrainian military, who are entrepreneurs.The scientific novelty is the application of a transgenic approach that allows a deeper understanding of the mechanism of the formation of the ideological system of the personality of the Ukrainian military, who are entrepreneurs.Type of article: empirical.

Regime Change in Contemporary Turkey

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Necati Polat
Keyword(s):  
Recent Change ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
New Order ◽  
Making Sense ◽  
Turkish Politics ◽  
Subsequent Phase ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Military

This book explores the transformation of Turkey’s political regime from 2002 under the AKP rule. Turkey has been through a series of major political shifts historically, roughly from the mid-19th century. The book details the most recent change, locating it in its broader historical setting. Beginning with the AKP rule from late 2002, supported by a wide informal coalition that included liberals, it describes how the ‘former’ Islamists gradually acquired full power between 2007 and 2011. It then chronicles the subsequent phase, looking at politics and rights under the amorphous new order. This highly accessible assessment of the change in question places it in the larger context of political modernisation in the country over the past 150 or so years, covering all of the main issues in contemporary Turkish politics: the religious and secular divide, the Kurds, the military, foreign policy orientation, the state of human rights, the effective concentration of powers in the government and a rule by policy, rather than law, initiated by Erdogan’s increasingly authoritarian populism. The discussion at once situates Turkey in the broader milieu of the Arab Spring, especially in terms of Islamist politics and Muslim piety in the public sphere, with some emphasis on ‘Islamo-nationalism’ (Millî Görüş) as a local Islamist variety. Effortlessly blending history, politics, law, social theory and philosophy in making sense of the change, the book uses the concept of mimesis to show that continuity is a key element in Turkish politics, despite the series of radical breaks that have occurred.

scholarly journals Youth leadership: a proposal for identifying and developing creativity and giftedness

2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven I. Pfeiffer ◽  
Solange Muglia Wechsler
Keyword(s):  
Rating Scales ◽  
Rating Scale ◽  
Leadership Skills ◽  
Youth Leadership ◽  
Global Consensus ◽  
Creative Leadership ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Basic Level

There is a considerable amount of literature on leadership, particularly as it relates to organizations, government, and the military. However, educators and psychologists know considerably less about early precursors of leadership, how leadership develops in youth, possible gender differences, and the relationship of leadership, intelligence and creativity. A global consensus exists that leaders are needed and that we shouldn't delay the early development of leadership skills. The authors propose a model to enhance creative leadership and introduce a teacher-completed rating scale, the Gifted Rating Scales to help accomplish this. As demonstrated, there are possibilities to detect early creative and intellectual giftedness among children and youngsters in the classrooms and expectations to move from a basic level of competence to reach an elite or expert level in any field, facilitating the emergence of leadership.

scholarly journals ISLAM – RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH RELATIONS AND THE STATE IN THE POST-COMMUNIST RUSSIA

2009 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-275
Author(s):  
Alexander Sotnichenko
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Movements ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
Orthodox Christianity ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Russian Orthodoxy ◽  
Religious Dialogue ◽  
Islam And Christianity

After the fall of Soviet Union we can state a fact of a religious heritage in Russia. It is applied not only to the traditional religious institutions, like Moscow Patriarchy, but also to different heterodox religious movements. Now we can state a fact of the originally shaped religion policy of Moscow. Orthodox Christianity in Russia has one universally recognized center – Moscow Patriarchy. Its position is shared by 90% of Russian Christians. But we can’t say that the leaders have one consolidated opinion about the problems of the relations between Islam and Christianity. We can single out two groups; one can be called „For Islam” and the second „Against Islam”. Their followers have different views on the problems of proselytism, inter-religious dialogue and religion policy of the state and the foreign policy of Russia. The same, but much more multifaceted situation is in Russian Islam. Muslims in Russia don’t have any universally recognized authority. There are several organizations, regional or aspiring to the center position, authorities, sheikhs and popular homilists with their own opinions. Here we try to classify the main organizations and their views on the problem of a dialogue with Russian Orthodoxy, Christianity at all and the Russian State’s regional policy.

Social Stratification in the Sahel

2021 ◽  
pp. 630-648
Author(s):  
Cédric Jourde
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Social Stratification ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Religious Movements ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Islamic Leadership ◽  
Postcolonial States ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Status Differences

This chapter explores the politics of social status hierarchies in the Sahel (freeborn, “castes,” slaves) and the rich literature devoted to this theme. It looks specifically at two themes. First, the paradoxical relationship between Islam and social status stratification. The doctrinal equality of the believers before God has often been negated in practice, as “freeborn” lineages have taken over positions of Islamic leadership. But recently some religious movements (Islamism, Sufism, perhaps some jihadism as well) and social movements have challenged the hierarchy of status differences, some in words only, others in deeds as well. The second theme covers the relationship between the construction of colonial and postcolonial states and status hierarchies. Officially, in postcolonial states all citizens are equal under the law. But informally, little is done to counter practices that perpetuate status discrimination such as slavery. Also, electoral politics can both crystalize social status differences and trigger mobilization against status inequalities.

Becoming an Activist

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan S. Coley
Keyword(s):  
Direct Action ◽  
Leadership Skills ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
Personal Lives ◽  
Christian Colleges And Universities ◽  
Lgbt Community ◽  
Educational Groups ◽  
To Come ◽  
Activist Groups

This chapter analyses the post-graduation political, career, and family plans of students who participate in LGBT activist groups at Christian colleges and universities. Graduates of direct action groups are, perhaps not surprisingly, the most likely to pursue future involvement in social movements and political campaigns, as they have gained skills in organizing and mobilizing other people. Graduates of educational groups tend to pursue humanistic careers, especially religious institutions, because they have gained leadership skills useful for creating change within existing institutions. Graduates of solidarity groups most commonly report changes in their future family plans, such as desires to enter into more equitable marital partnerships and raise tolerant and accepting children, because their organizations have provided them opportunities to reflect on their personal lives. Finally, graduates of all types of LGBT activist groups report immediate changes in their existing relationships with family members and friends, stating that they have found the courage to come out as members of the LGBT community and to discuss LGBT rights issues in their everyday conversations. The chapter contributes new insights on the biographical consequences of activist groups.

Democratisation and Ethnic Minorities

2018 ◽  
pp. 40-60
Author(s):  
Wu-Ling Chong
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Cultural Identities ◽  
Cultural Environment ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Opening Up

This chapter discusses the democratisation process in post-Suharto Indonesia and the role of Chinese Indonesians in the democratisation process. The opening up of democratic politics in the post-Suharto era has offered opportunities for the Chinese to participate directly in electoral politics and run for public office. The relatively liberal socio-cultural environment also allows the Chinese openly to express their ethnic and cultural identities. However, the democratisation process has been marred by poor enforcement of the rule of law, the capture of state institutions and political parties by old and some new predatory interests, and rampant political thuggery. This allows some Chinese to continue gaining wealth through illegal or semi-legal means, and contributes to the continuing, if not growing, ambivalent attitude held towards Chinese Indonesians.

scholarly journals Royal Patronage and Religious Tolerance The Formative Period of Gupta–Vākāṭaka Culture

2010 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 461-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
HANS BAKKER
Keyword(s):  
Formative Period ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Movements ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
Religious Tolerance ◽  
Royal Court ◽  
Royal Patronage ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Temple

AbstractPatronage by the royal court of religious institutions and foundations is one of the hallmarks of the development of India under the rule of the Gupta and Vākāṭaka kings (4th–5th centuries). This patronage was extended also to religious movements other than the king's own persuasion. The evolving culture of religious tolerance and enthusiasm is apparent in the temple monuments of the time. In this article we focus on four archeological sites where these developments become best visible: Udayagiri, Māṇḍhaḷ, Rāmagiri (Ramtek), and Mansar. The close relationship of the Gupta and Vākāṭaka realms is investigated in its local settings. Renewed attention is given to the ‘Mandhal Inscription, Year 5’ of the Vākāṭaka king Rudrasena II and the deity on whose authority the charter was issued: Muṇḍasvāmin. It is argued that the name Muṇḍa refers to no one else than the Gupta queen of Rudrasena II, Prabhāvatī Guptā. During the last decade, excavations in Mansar (5 km west of Ramtek) have brought to light the state sanctuary of the youngest son of Prabhāvatī, Pravarasena II. The findings there are placed within the tradition that can be traced back, through Rāmagiri and Māṇḍhaḷ, to the religious foundations in Udayagiri.

Thailand's Relapse: The Implications of the May 2014 Coup

2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudio Sopranzetti
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Vote Buying ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
System A ◽  
The People ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Constitutional Reforms ◽  
Political Turmoil ◽  
The Military

On May 20, 2014, the Royal Army imposed martial law on Thailand, with the declared purpose of restoring peace to the people. Allegedly, the military intervened to put an end to seven months of political turmoil that had begun when the PDRC—the English acronym for the Thai People's Committee for Absolute Democracy with the King as Head of State—occupied key street intersections and government offices in Bangkok. The conservative mobilization had demanded the deposition of elected Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and the complete dismissal of “the Thaksin system”—a network that had dominated electoral politics in the previous thirteen years, in the PDRC's view through corruption and vote-buying. To fight this injustice, the PDRC had called for deep constitutional reforms before the next elections could be held.

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