scholarly journals Microfoundations of Framing: The Interactional Production of Collective Action Frames in the Occupy Movement

Author(s):  
Juliane Reinecke ◽  
Shaz Ansari
2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 468-490 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shen Yang

The Hong Kong government made tactical use of legal instruments to end the Occupy Movement in 2014, yet there were divergent responses to the injunctions at the two main protest sites. Through a within-case comparison, this study argues that diverging legal frames explain the different reactions at the two sites. Law, as a constitutive symbol of certain collective action frames, constructs the boundaries of a movement and creates expectations among protesters regarding how to address legal instruments. The protesters in Admiralty tended to adhere to a law-abiding frame that required them to respect and obey the law when confronted with legal tactics. In contrast, the framing contest and self-selection of participants made activists in Mongkok susceptible to a law-defying frame that disposed them to resist the actions of law enforcement authorities. This study sheds light on the conditions under which protesters will obey the law.


Sexualities ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 114-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph N Goh ◽  
Thaatchaayini Kananatu

The unrelenting ill-treatment suffered by mak nyahs, or Malaysian pre-operative and post-operative male-to-female transsexuals, indicates a steady process of dehumanisation that besieges mak nyahs in contemporary Malaysia. Nevertheless, the 2000s have seen a groundswell of strategies by mak nyahs to dismantle forces that seek to dehumanise them, and thus to embrace self-empowerment. By analysing online media resources, information from communication networks and legal cases pertaining to mak nyahs, we aim to explain the ways in which the strategies of mak nyahs and their allies to dismantle dehumanisation and empower themselves are framed and mobilised in Malaysia in the 2000s. To this end, we draw on a two-fold analytical framework that comprises David A Snow’s and Robert D Benford’s notion of collective action frames, and Michael W McCann’s legal mobilisation theory, in order to interpret our analysis. We argue that although mak nyahs have encountered dehumanising forces such as violence, pathologisation and reparative therapy, religious denunciations and moral policing, they have responded with diverse empowerment strategies that include the telling of personal stories, increasing public visibility, eliciting international recognition and support, forming alliances and organising collective action and legal recourse.


2020 ◽  
pp. 089443932095679
Author(s):  
Pengxiang Li ◽  
Hichang Cho ◽  
Yuren Qin ◽  
Anfan Chen

This study was aimed to contribute to understanding how networked yet fragmented online actors create meaning in digital media–enabled movements like #MeToo. By drawing upon a multidimensional framing analysis, this study investigated how personal action frames, collective action frames, and issue-specific frames were adopted in #MeToo movement in China, and it also shed light on how different groups of social actors respond to sexual harassment issues on Sina Weibo, a Chinese social media platform. This study employed computational content analysis to extract frames from a huge amount of traceable data (i.e., 16,187 Weibo posts) and uncovered seven specific types of frames categorized as personal experiences and emotional commentary (as personal action frames), injustice and opposition (as collective action frames), and problem definition, treatment recommendation, and related news (as issue-specific frames). The results revealed that personal action frames and collective action frames were widely adopted by females and ordinary users, whereas issue-specific frames were more commonly applied by males and organizational users. These empirical findings enhance our understanding of meaning construction with regard to digital media–enabled movements.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-292
Author(s):  
Ксения Сергеевна Семыкина

This article analyses media representations of LGBT social movements, taking the case of Saint Petersburg LGBT pride parades. The analysis is developed through the use of framing theory, which views the media as an arena where interest groups promote their own interpretations of particular issues. Frames juxtapose elements of the text in such a way as to provide the audience with a scheme within which to perceive the message. Social movements are viewed as interest groups that introduce new frames in public debate. Two types of frames can be distinguished: collective action frames and status quo frames. In this study, the usage of two collective action frames (equality frame and victim frame), and two status quo frames (morality frame and propaganda promoting homosexuality frame) were examined. Additionally, the sources of quotes used in news stories were analyzed. The study focuses on articles dedicated to Saint Petersburg LGBT pride marches in the years 2010–2017 in the most popular local Internet websites. The analysis shows that the coverage of LGBT pride marches can be divided into two distinct periods: 2010–2013 and 2014–2017. In the first period, LGBT activists dominated the coverage, quoted about twice as much as government officials. Equality and victim frames were prevalent. In the second period, activists were cited significantly less often, with the propaganda promoting homosexuality frame dominating the discourse. However, contrary to findings of previous studies on social movement representation, across the whole period under consideration, LGBT activists were quoted more often than government representatives. This finding calls for a further exploration of the conditions which allowed for such coverage in the context of political heterosexism and homophobia.


Author(s):  
Kamilla Petrick

This article sheds new light on the Occupy movement by foregrounding its temporal dimensions, particularly in relation to a previous major cycle of transnational contention, the alter-globalization movement (AGM). The discussion engages three temporal considerations in particular: 1) the centrality of instantaneous digital media to both movements’ rapid rise and diffusion 2) the pervasiveness – especially within Occupy – of the temporal ethos of prefigurative politics, and 3) the sustainability and longer term legacy of the Occupy cycle, from the temporal vantage point of the year 2016, i.e. five years since the movement’s rise and prompt demise, and fifteen years since the peak of the AGM. The article’s conclusion insists on the importance of a long term vision when it comes to evaluating the outcomes of collective action.


2019 ◽  
pp. 215-240
Author(s):  
Jieh-min Wu

This chapter focuses on the Sunflower Occupy Movement which broke out in March of 2014, shaking Taiwan's political landscape and its relations with China. The Sunflower Movement was a culmination of resistance to China's political influence and to the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) government's democratic careening. It arose from a changing political atmosphere and a wave of interconnected social protests in preceding years. Ultimately, it was a rare transformative event in which powerful collective action ruptures the structures confining a country. “Structures” here refers to two kinds of structure that constrain the space of individual and collective action but also induce action within this space: the structure of political rules, and that of ideology. This popular upsurge brought about tremendous impact, not merely transforming the political landscape of Taiwan but also diverting the political direction of the country from the KMT's pro-China policy, thus interrupting the course of a decade-long Chinese Communist Party (CCP)–KMT cooperation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document