scholarly journals The Media’s Construction of LGBT Pride Parades in Russia

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-292
Author(s):  
Ксения Сергеевна Семыкина
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Media Representations ◽  
Collective Action Frames ◽  
Saint Petersburg ◽  
News Stories ◽  
The Media ◽  
Pride Parades

This article analyses media representations of LGBT social movements, taking the case of Saint Petersburg LGBT pride parades. The analysis is developed through the use of framing theory, which views the media as an arena where interest groups promote their own interpretations of particular issues. Frames juxtapose elements of the text in such a way as to provide the audience with a scheme within which to perceive the message. Social movements are viewed as interest groups that introduce new frames in public debate. Two types of frames can be distinguished: collective action frames and status quo frames. In this study, the usage of two collective action frames (equality frame and victim frame), and two status quo frames (morality frame and propaganda promoting homosexuality frame) were examined. Additionally, the sources of quotes used in news stories were analyzed. The study focuses on articles dedicated to Saint Petersburg LGBT pride marches in the years 2010–2017 in the most popular local Internet websites. The analysis shows that the coverage of LGBT pride marches can be divided into two distinct periods: 2010–2013 and 2014–2017. In the first period, LGBT activists dominated the coverage, quoted about twice as much as government officials. Equality and victim frames were prevalent. In the second period, activists were cited significantly less often, with the propaganda promoting homosexuality frame dominating the discourse. However, contrary to findings of previous studies on social movement representation, across the whole period under consideration, LGBT activists were quoted more often than government representatives. This finding calls for a further exploration of the conditions which allowed for such coverage in the context of political heterosexism and homophobia.

18. Political Participation

2020 ◽  
pp. 318-335
Author(s):  
Herbert Kitschelt ◽  
Philipp Rehm
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Macro Level ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Politically Active

This chapter examines four fundamental questions relating to political participation. First, it considers different modes of political participation such as social movements, interest groups, and political parties. Second, it analyses the determinants of political participation, focusing in particular on the paradox of collective action. Third, it explains political participation at the macro-level in order to identify which contextual conditions are conducive to participation and the role of economic affluence in political participation. Finally, the chapter discusses political participation at the micro-level. It shows that both formal associations and informal social networks, configured around family and friendship ties, supplement individual capacities to engage in political participation or compensate for weak capacities, so as to boost an individual’s probability to become politically active.

18. Political participation

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert Kitschelt ◽  
Philipp Rehm
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Macro Level ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Politically Active

This chapter examines four fundamental questions relating to political participation. First, it considers different modes of political participation such as social movements, interest groups, and political parties. Second, it analyses the determinants of political participation, focusing in particular on the paradox of collective action. Third, it explains political participation at the macro-level in order to identify which contextual conditions are conducive to participation and the role of economic affluence in political participation. Finally, the chapter discusses political participation at the micro-level. It shows that both formal associations and informal social networks, configured around family and friendship ties, supplement individual capacities to engage in political participation or compensate for weak capacities, so as to boost an individual's probability to become politically active.

scholarly journals Protest logics and the mediation opportunity structure

2012 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bart Cammaerts
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Media Representations ◽  
Communication Studies ◽  
Structural Constraints ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Opportunity Structure ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
Communication Practices ◽  
Media And Communication

This article aims to bridge a gap between social movement studies and media and communication studies. A conceptual framework is presented that integrates the political opportunity structure approach and the logics of contentious action with the concept of mediation. The author argues that mediation opportunity structure is a fruitful concept to encompass a wide variety of ways in which media and communication are relevant to protest and social movements. It refers to mainstream media representations of protest and movements, to movements ‘becoming the media’ and counter-spinning, as well as to media and communication practices that constitute protest and resistance in their own right. The manifold articulations of mediation illustrate that media and communication are not merely relevant to the symbolic and discursive realms in which social movements operate, but that they are also instrumental and material to realizing their immediate goals. Activists are becoming more aware and conscious of the mediation opportunity structure, through their lay-knowledge of how the mainstream media and technologies operate, partially adapting to them or appropriating them. The nature and degree of mediation opportunities for activists and the structural constraints impeding the opportunities varies according to the type of protest logic that is being used.

A useful shift in our perspective: integrating social movement framing into social marketing

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 188-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kate Daellenbach ◽  
Joy Parkinson
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Change ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Social Marketing ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Collective Action Frames ◽  
Social Movement Framing

Purpose The elaboration of framing in social movement theory offers a different perspective than is typically taken in social marketing. This paper explores how social marketing may benefit from this alternate lens. Design/methodology/approach The construction, features and processes associated with collective action frames in social movements are examined and explored via two social causes: obesity and disaster preparation. Findings A social movement perspective on framing highlights the need to better understand variations in how groups may perceive a problem and its solutions. It suggests a range of considerations and options in constructing and participating in the development of collective action frames, which are suggested to benefit social marketing initiatives and, thus, society. Research limitations/implications Further research in societal well-being and the meso-level of social change should consider adopting a social movement framing perspective. A list of questions is provided to guide future research. Practical implications Mobilising a group into action is often a necessary and effective step in realising social change. The questions raised in social movement framing will equip practitioners and researchers with greater understanding of the issue, the context and potential solutions, ultimately to encourage positive social movements and social benefit. Originality/value While calls have been made for broader perspectives in social marketing, little attention has been given to social movements. This paper offers a way forward with respect to framing.

Explaining Suffrage Mobilization: Balance, Neutralization, and Range in Collective Action Frames, 1892–1919

2004 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lyndi Hewitt ◽  
Holly McCammon
Keyword(s):  
Time Series ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
State Level ◽  
Differential Impact ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Collective Action Frames ◽  
Time Series Analyses ◽  
The U.S

Growing evidence points to the pivotal role of framing processes in the mobilization of social movements. Our study contributes to framing theory by drawing on data from state-level woman suffrage movements in the U.S. to provide a systematic comparison of the mobilizing capacities of different collective action frames. Specifically, we examine the differential impact of the justice, societal reform, and home protection frames. Rather than assuming that all frames deployed by movements contribute equally to successful mobilization, we distinguish between effective and ineffective frames. Results of cross-sectional time series analyses suggest that the use of the reform frame positively influenced membership growth in state suffrage organizations, while the use of the justice and home protection frames had no effect. We conclude that there are three key determinants of a frame's mobilizing capacity: a balanced (i.e., culturally resonant and oppositional) message, the range of issues addressed, and the effective neutralization of counterframes

scholarly journals Shame on You: The Role of Shame, Disgust and Humiliation in Media Representations of ‘Gender-Fraud’ Cases

2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 118-135
Author(s):  
Allison Moore
Keyword(s):  
Online News ◽  
Media Representations ◽  
Media Representation ◽  
Legal Cases ◽  
News Stories ◽  
Legal Discourses ◽  
The Media ◽  
21St Century Tools ◽  
The Uk

In September 2015, Gayle Newland became the fourth person to be convicted of ‘gender-fraud’ since 2012 in the UK. This article offers a critical analysis of the media representation of these four cases and considers the extent to which the defendants are subjected to shaming and humiliation processes and presented as objects of disgust. The significance of media representation of legal cases is that it provides an insight into the ways in which legal discourses are interpreted, reinterpreted and often over simplified by those outside the legal profession. It highlights how legal discourses sit within a network of wider discourses and, therefore, illustrates the intertextuality of the law. Cheung (2014 : 301) has suggested that, whilst the role of shame punishments in the criminal justice system has been subject to considerable academic scrutiny, ‘social policing by shaming transgressions via the internet’ has been under researched. This article will demonstrate that online news stories and the readers’ comments that accompany them are important 21st century tools in the shaming and humiliation of those who have transgressed socially constructed gender norms.

How to Tell the Truth without Outraging the Press?

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
News Stories ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Chinese News Media

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 

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