scholarly journals Political Activity of Citizens as a Stipulation for a Civil Society Development

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 88
Author(s):  
Elena Mitskaya

In this article the author examines the dynamics of changes in the implementation of political rights of the citizens of Kazakhstan, and specifically the right to choose from the beginning of its independence and sovereignty, and to the present. Freedom and the desire of citizens of Kazakhstan to develop direct democracy is directly dependent on how much the person is not only aware of itself as an active, self-realized person, but is relevant to this socio-political, economic and other conditions. Conditions of occurrence and development of civil society is social freedom, democratic governance, the existence of a public sphere of politics and political discussions. The author proves the relationship of civil society and development of the active implementation of the political rights of citizens. In the political sphere, the degree of freedom of society is determined by the level of development of democracy in the country and warranty democracy as a whole and of each of the political right in particular. The degree of force activity of citizens in the implementation of political rights is the example of Kyrgyzstan. The gradual transition from passive participation of citizens in a democracy to active is a natural phenomenon, not only for Kazakhstan, but also a number of post-Soviet countries, which is shown in the example of the Russian Federation. The author concludes that Kazakhstan has gone through a period when citizens remained passive in exercising their political rights. Now the citizens of Kazakhstan are actively participate in the process of democracy, indicating a high degree of development of Kazakhstan's civil society.

Kosmik Hukum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rizkon Maulana ◽  
Indriati Amarini ◽  
Ika Ariani Kartini

The fulfillment of political rights for persons with mental disabilities in general elections has not been running as it should be. Pros and cons arise when collecting data on citizens who have the right to vote at the time of general elections. This research analyzes how the fulfillment of the political rights of persons with mental disabilities in legislation and the obstacles experienced in fulfilling the political rights of persons with mental disabilities. This research is a normative juridical study using secondary data as the main data, namely books, journals, research results, and legislation. Secondary data were analyzed normatively qualitative. The results showed that the political rights of persons with disabilities, including persons with mental disabilities, are a component of human rights that must be fulfilled in a democratic country. The fulfillment of the political rights of persons with disabilities is generally based on Law Number 8 of 2016, namely Article 13 which stipulates that persons with disabilities have the political right to vote and be elected in public office. These rights are important to be respected, protected and fulfilled in order to achieve justice for eliminating political discrimination against persons with disabilities. As for the obstacles experienced in fulfilling the political rights of persons with mental disabilities, namely the difficulty in conveying socialization materials to persons with mental disabilities and the level of voter participation among persons with mental disabilities is still low.Keywords: Political Rights, General Election, Mental Disability


Subject Czech Euroscepticism. Significance The right-liberal ANO 2011 party led by Andrej Babis won legislative elections last month. Its wide margin of victory owed something to its Eurosceptic discourse. Czech Euroscepticism is the product of populist mobilisation on the political right and the centre’s failure to make a positive case for EU membership. With the hard Eurosceptic Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) party joining the Europhobic Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSCM) in parliament, leaving the EU is guaranteed a prominent place on the political agenda. Impacts Moderate Czech (and Austrian) enthusiasm for deeper integration will mean that inner and outer ‘circles’ of EU membership will solidify. A deepening split within the Visegrad Group will make opposition to EU reform difficult to sustain for Poland and Hungary. The president has added his weight to a referendum on ‘Czexit’.


Author(s):  
Tatiana Mikhailovna Akimova

This article reviews two documents stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation: “Narrative” of the women of Burachikha settlement (Glumovskaya Volost , Yuryevsky Uyezd of Vladimir Province) and the response of the Moscow Regional Council of the Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers' Deputies dated by April-May 1917. The “Narrative” reflects the concerns of peasantry, which was the largest social class in Russia of that time: shortage of firewood and food, ongoing World War I, unresolved land issue; confusion with the political changes taking place in the country due to lack of awareness and special literature. The attitude of rural population towards the pre-revolutionary authorities and Provisional Government is described. The document deserves special attention, as it demonstrates the position of women who were first granted the right to vote in the spring of 1917. Moscow Regional Council of Workers' Deputies supported the political activity of female rural population, although did not render any assistance. The conclusion is made that the published texts can be used in studying the development of civil society in provinces after the February Revolution of 1917. The content of these sources is also valuable for the researchers dealing with the gender problems, social history of the first quarter of the XX century, and the history of the February and October Revolutions of 1917.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 261
Author(s):  
Kimberly Farias Monteiro ◽  
Leilane Serratine Grubba

A luta das mulheres pela conquista de direitos, especialmente pelo direito civil e político ao voto, foi visível e teve nítido enfoque durante a denominada primeira onda do movimento feminista, que transcorreu pelos séculos XIX e XX. Muitos movimentos marcaram a reivindicação das mulheres pelo direito ao voto, em especial e como um dos mais marcantes, o movimento Sufragista. As Sufragistas, primeiras ativistas do feminismo no século XIX, passaram a ser conhecidas pela sociedade da época devido as suas fortes manifestações públicas em prol dos direitos políticos, com ênfase no direito ao voto. Esse cenário é retratado pelo filme As Sufragistas, estreado no ano de 2015, que relata a luta de mulheres pelo direito ao voto e o movimento sufragista liderado por Emmeline Pankhurst. O artigo problematiza o início da luta de gênero por direitos políticos, com ênfase nos estudos de Direito e Cinema. Dessa forma, a análise do resultado político na luta por direitos da primeira onda do movimento feminista pode ser exemplificado pelo filme As Sufragistas. O filme retrata as condições precárias da mulher no trabalho e sua submissão aos homens; mostra como o Direito e o Cinema podem relacionar-se com o intuito de explorar as realidades vivenciadas pelas mulheres em busca de seus direitos. Nesse sentido, o artigo objetiva, através da análise de cenas e linguagem do filme As Sufragistas, explorar a batalha das Sufragistas pela conquista do voto feminino e, consequentemente, demonstrar que, por meio do Cinema e através de suas imagens é possível retratar as realidades e, assim, as condições às quais as mulheres foram submetidas por longos anos. Palavras-chave: Direitos Humanos. Direitos Políticos. Cinema. Feminismo.Abstract: Women’s struggle for rights, especially civil and political right to vote, had a clear focus during the first wave of the feminist movement that went through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Many movements marked the women’s claim to the right to vote, in particular and one of the most striking, the Sufragist movement. Sufragists, the first activists of feminism in the nineteenth century, came to be known by the society of the time due to its strong public manifestations for political rights, especially the right to vote. This scenario is portrayed by the film Suffragette, released in the year 2015, which relates the struggle of women for the right to vote and the suffragist movement led by Emmeline Pankhurst. The purpose of this article is to analyze the beginning of the gender struggle for political rights, with emphasis on Law and Cinema studies. In this way, the analysis of the political outcome in the struggle for rights of the first wave of the feminist movement can be exemplified by the film Suffragette. The film portrays the precarious conditions of women at work and their submission to men; Shows how law and cinema relate to the purpose of exploring the realities experienced by women in search of their rights. In this sense, the present article aims, trought the analysis of scenes and language of the film Suffragette, to explore the battle of Sufragists by the conquest of the feminine vote and, consequently, demonstrate trought the Cinema and trought images it is possible to portray the realities and thus the conditions to which women were submitted. Keywords: Cinema. Feminism. Human Rights. Political Rights.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


Author(s):  
Daniel A. Dombrowski

In this work two key theses are defended: political liberalism is a processual (rather than a static) view and process thinkers should be political liberals. Three major figures are considered (Rawls, Whitehead, Hartshorne) in the effort to show the superiority of political liberalism to its illiberal alternatives on the political right and left. Further, a politically liberal stance regarding nonhuman animals and the environment is articulated. It is typical for debates in political philosophy to be adrift regarding the concept of method, but from start to finish this book relies on the processual method of reflective equilibrium or dialectic at its best. This is the first extended effort to argue for both political liberalism as a process-oriented view and process philosophy/theology as a politically liberal view. It is also a timely defense of political liberalism against illiberal tendencies on both the right and the left.


2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-139
Author(s):  
Jean Guillaume Forand ◽  
Gergely Ujhelyi

Many countries place restrictions on the political rights of government workers. This includes limitations on political activities such as taking an active part in political campaigns. Are such restrictions desirable? We present a formal welfare analysis of this question. Bureaucrats’ political activities affect voter perceptions of the government and this can have informational benefits. However, they can also induce policy mistakes and are susceptible to ‘noise’ from some bureaucrats’ innate desire for political expression. When politicians have limited control over bureaucrats and successfully coordinate with voters, bureaucrats’ political activities can be desirable. In most cases, however, banning political activities is optimal.


Author(s):  
RANDRINRIJAONA MAEVA

The exclusion of women is at the heart of the modern political order, despite the gradual recognition of formal equality between men and women in the exercise of political rights. The evolution of the political culture has nevertheless allowed the gradual access of women to power. Yet in the case of Madagascar, gender consideration is not limited to the integration of women in power, but several challenges lie ahead for the country in terms of women's rights. Women parliamentarians through their roles can advocate for women's rights. But the question is how these women parliamentarians advocate for women’s development rights do?Women's development requires respect for their rights, and women parliamentarians, when designing and passing laws, have the opportunity to fight for women's rights, which generally boil down to the right to health, safety and work. The aim is therefore to highlight the capacity of women parliamentarians to establish a rule of law that allows women to develop. Women's participation in the proposals and discussions of laws can play an equal part in promoting women's rights and women's development.


1969 ◽  
pp. 465 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Asch

In this article, the author examines the need for constitutional recognition and protection of the political collective rights of minority groups in Canada, particularly those of Aboriginal nations. The author asserts that Canada's present constitutional approach to minority collective rights is one of "indirect consociation," an approach which embraces the ideology of "universalism" and does not expressly recognize or protect minority ethnonational communities. This is ineffective as it generates political instability. He examines both Canadian constitutional thinking as well as the thoughts of Aboriginal nations on the right to self-government and discusses the conflicting theories behind each position. Finally, the author suggests that the solution to resolving this conflict between minority and majority political rights is for Canada to adopt a "direct consociation" approach. This approach would recognize expressly and protect the political rights of Aboriginal nations and other minorities, based on the concept of equality, as opposed to continuing colonialist or assimilationist approaches which only serve to heighten inequality and political tension.


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