In the political system of post-war Japan there emerged a unique phenomenon of the ‘1955 system’, which contradicted, in its form and in its essence, to the principle of the changeability of power inherent for the democratic systems. The Liberal-Democratic Party retained majority in the lower house of Diet for the 38-year period, which allowed it to form the government without joining coalitions with any other parties. “The 1955 system” was a form of adaptation of the political power to the specific conditions of cold war era. In the sphere of foreign policy, the bipolar model of the Japanese political system reflected the ideological choice between the capitalist system led by the United States and the socialist system led by the USSR. In the economic sphere, the dominant party system was the most appropriate response to the specific needs of the mobilization economic model, in which first fiddle was played by bureaucracy, whilst the political power performed rather decorative functions. The authoritarian features in the LDP power system that can be imagined to be the result of its monopolistic rule, in reality did not have a distinct manifestation because of the de facto absence of unity in its top management and the preservation of a viable faction system well adapted to the electoral model of the multimember districts. The end of ‘the 1955 system’, associated with the end of the cold war, manifested itself in the loss of the LDP’s dominant position in the party system and in the beginning of the era of coalition governments. The issues of ideology in the post-bipolar period lost their significance as a form of axis in the inter-party division. Currently, the LDP holds the leading positions in the political arena as the main political force in the Diet. The ruling party faces serious problems, among which one can mention the decline of the LDP authority in the Japanese society against the background of resonant political scandals, the absence of intra-party democracy and the authoritarian style of Abe’s rule which raises the risks of political mistakes, as well as the lack of reliable mechanisms of succession of senior positions in the party hierarchy. However, the specificity of the electoral system, as well as the chronic state of split and the absence of strong political leaders in the opposition camp, give the LDP substantial advantages against other parties, feeding the conclusion that the LDP will remain the dominant political force of Japan in the foreseeable future.
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