scholarly journals Mongolia’s “Journey” to Join the United Nations in 1946-1961 : “Cold War” Factors and Ideological Conflicts of the Great Powers

2021 ◽  
pp. 28-41
Author(s):  
Batbayar Tsedendamba
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Korean War ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Veto Power ◽  
New Members ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Cold War

The article explores the aspects of the interaction between the USSR and the USA on the Mongolian question within the UN during first 15 years of the Cold war. The author dwells such problems as Mongolia’s contribution to the war against Japanese militarism; the question of the involvement of Ulaanbaatar to the Korean war in 1950-1953; the arguments between Moscow and Washington concerning the package admittance of new members; the reason of the veto power exercised by the Chiang Kai-shek regime; ideological conflicts between two opposing blocs in the United Nations. The first application for Mongolia’s admission to the UN was submitted to Secretary-General Trygve Lie in a letter dated June 21, 1946, signed by Kh. Choibalsan, Prime-Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the MPR. The solution of this issue, however, dragged on until 1961. During this period, the application for admission of the MPR was renewed four times - in 1948, 1955, 1956 and 1957. The Mongolian statement was considered at least 13 times in various meetings of the UN Security Council.

scholarly journals Discussion on the issue of “Outer Mongolia” at the United Nations in 1946-1961: The evolution of Soviet and American position towards the MPR’s membership issue

2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (112) ◽  
pp. 31-45
Author(s):  
Batbayar Tsedendamba
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Korean War ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Global Issues ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second Period

The article explores the aspects of the interaction between the USSR and the USA on the issue of “Outer Mongolia” as it was called within the United Nations at the first stage of the Cold War. The author divided the issue of “Outer Mongolia” at the UN during that period into three periods: the first period from 1946 to 1948, the second period from 1950 to1953, i.e. during the Korean war, the final, third one from 1955 to 1961. The author shows how the manipulation of the United Nations by the great powers in their own political interests impeded the settlement of the global issues and postponed admission of the countries such as Mongolian People’s Republic (so called Outer Mongolia) to the UN for many years. The admission to the UN for Mongolia was a matter of national pride as a sovereign nation, and gaining legitimacy in the world affairs and building a reputation in the international arena. The nature of the dialogue between Moscow and Washington played a key role in solving global and regional issues, and aspirations of small countries like the Mongolian People’s Republic had a negligible weight in international affairs.   НҮБ-д Монголын асуудлыг хэлэлцсэн нь (1946-1961 он): БНМАУ-ын гишүүнчлэлийн асуудлаарх ЗХУ, АНУ-ын байр суурийн хувьсал өөрчлөлт Хураангуй: Тус өгүүлэлд “Хүйтэн дайн”-ы нөхцөлд НҮБ дахь Монголын асуудлаар ЗХУ, АНУ зэрэг их гүрнүүдийн байр суурь, тэдний зөрчил, сөргөлдөөн, эвлэрлийн уялдаа холбоог авч үзэх болно. Зохиогч НҮБ-д Монголын элссэн түүхэн үйл явцыг гурван үед буюу 1946-1948 оны эхний үе, 1950-1953 оны Солонгосын дайны үе, 1955-1961 оны НҮБ-д элссэн төгсгөлийн үе хэмээн задлан авч үзэв. “Хүйтэн дайны” үед их гүрнүүд Нэгдсэн Үндэстний байгууллагыг өөрсдийн улс төрийн зорилгод дур зоргоор ашиглаж байсан нь олон улсын маргаантай асуудлыг шийдвэрлэхэд саад болж, БНМАУ зэрэг орнуудыг НҮБ-д элсэх асуудлыг олон жилээр хойш татаж байв. БНМАУ-ын хувьд НҮБ-д элсэх нь туурга тусгаар улсын үндэсний бахархал, хууль ёсны эрхээ хүлээн зөвшөөрүүлэх, олон улсын нэр хүндээ өсгөх ач холбогдолтой байлаа. Тэр нөхцөлд Москва, Вашингтон хоорондын яриа хэлэлцээний шинж чанар нь глобаль болон бүс нутгийн асуудлыг шийдвэрлэхэд гол хүчин зүйл болж ирсэн бөгөөд жижиг орны хүсэл эрмэлзэл олон улсын хэрэгт тэр болгон үр нөлөөтэй байж чадахгүй байв. Түлхүүр үгс: НҮБ, ЗХУ, АНУ, “хүйтэн дайн”, БНМАУ-ын гишүүнчлэл, Гоминьданы Хятадын вето эрх

Land of Blue Helmets

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Arab World ◽  
International Conflicts ◽  
Member States ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Past ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Political Mediation

Born in 1945, the United Nations (UN) came to life in the Arab world. It was there that the UN dealt with early diplomatic challenges that helped shape its institutions such as peacekeeping and political mediation. It was also there that the UN found itself trapped in, and sometimes part of, confounding geopolitical tensions in key international conflicts in the Cold War and post-Cold War periods, such as hostilities between Palestine and Iraq and between Libya and Syria. Much has changed over the past seven decades, but what has not changed is the central role played by the UN. This book's claim is that the UN is a constant site of struggle in the Arab world and equally that the Arab world serves as a location for the UN to define itself against the shifting politics of its age. Looking at the UN from the standpoint of the Arab world, this volume includes chapters on the potential and the problems of a UN that is framed by both the promises of its Charter and the contradictions of its member states.

scholarly journals Informal Reform of the United Nations Security Council

2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-115
Author(s):  
Mariana Pimenta Oliveira Baccarini
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Institutional Perspective ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Lock In Effect ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Lock In

Abstract This article analyses attempts to reform the United Nations Security Council from a historical-institutional perspective. It argues that the possibilities for reform have suffered from a ‘lock-in’ effect that has rendered the UN resistant to change. On the other hand, the UN decision-making process has evolved since its establishment, especially since the end of the Cold War, in response to new power aspirations, making it more representative and legitimate. The Security Council has also undergone continuous informal reform that has allowed it to adapt to new times.

The Development of the United Nations Law Concerning Peace-Keeping Operations

1992 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-281
Author(s):  
Robert Siekmann
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Central America ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
New Thinking ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Cold War

Especially as a consequence of the termination of the Cold War, the détente in the relations between East en West (Gorbachev's ‘new thinking’ in foreign policy matters) and, finally, the disappearance of the Soviet Union, the number of UN peace-keeping operations substantially increased in recent years. One could even speak of a ‘proliferation’. Until 1988 the number of operations was twelve (seven peace-keeping forces: UNEF ‘I’ and ‘II’, ONUC, UNHCYP, UNSF (West New Guinea), UNDOF AND UNIFIL; and five military observer missions: UNTSO, UNMOGIP, UNOGIL, UNYOM and UNIPOM). Now, three forces and seven observer missions can be added. The forces are MINURSO (West Sahara), UNTAC (Cambodia) and UNPROFOR (Yugoslavia); the observer groups: UNGOMAP (Afghanistan/Pakistan), UNIIMOG (Iran/Iraq), UNAVEM ‘I’ and ‘II’ (Angola), ONUCA (Central America), UNIKOM (Iraq/Kuwait) and ONUSAL (El Salvador). UNTAG (Namibia), which was established in 1978, could not become operational until 1989 as a result of the new political circumstances in the world. So, a total of twenty-three operations have been undertaken, of which almost fifty percent was established in the last five years, whereas the other half was the result of decisions taken by the United Nations in the preceding forty years (UNTSO dates back to 1949). In the meantime, some ‘classic’ operations are being continued (UNTSO, UNMOGIP, UNFICYP, UNDOF, and UNIFIL), whereas some ‘modern’ operations already have been terminated as planned (UNTAG, UNGOMAP, UNIIMOG, UNAVEM ‘I’ and ‘II’, and ONUCA). At the moment (July 1992) eleven operations are in action – the greatest number in the UN history ever.

scholarly journals A EVOLUÇÃO DO PEACEKEEPING: SUEZ, RUANDA E REPÚBLICA DEMOCRÁTICA DO CONGO

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (10) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Fernanda Affonso Leal ◽  
Rafael Santin ◽  
David Almstadter De Magalhães
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Democratic Republic Of Congo ◽  
Republic Of Congo ◽  
Peacekeeping Operations ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Way

Since the first peacekeeping operation was created until today, the UN has been trying to adapt them to the different contexts in which they are deployed. This paper analy- ses the possibility of a bigger shift happening in the way the United Nations, through the Security Council, operates their Peacekeeping Operations. The change here ad- dressed includes, mainly, the constitution of more “robust” missions and the newly introduced Intervention Brigade in the Democratic Republic of Congo. By presenting three missions (UNEF I, UNAMIR and MONUSCO) deployed in different historic periods, we identified various elements in their mandates and in the way these were established which indicate a progressive transformation in the peacekeeping model since the Cold War - when conflicts were in their majority between States – until present days, when they occur mostly inside the States.

The Clash of Security and Sovereignty in Quasi-Alliance

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Kil Joo Ban
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Korean War ◽  
Trade Off ◽  
Power Growth ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Over Time

Abstract Which is needed more: sovereignty or security? The autonomy–security trade-off model sees this as a trade-off between a client and a patron. A client surrenders some measure of autonomy to a patron and, in turn, receives security. This paper explores whether the underlying logic is applicable to quasi-alliances between a state and a multinational regime, such as the United Nations Command (UNC). South Korea has maintained a quasi-alliance with the UNC since the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950. The level of trade-off between South Korea and the UNC, however, has been changing over time, particularly while being affected by the power growth of South Korea, a client, and the preference changes of the US, the most important actor of the UNC, a patron. This paper attempts to explain why South Korea is much more enthusiastic in seeking full sovereignty and more autonomy in the 2018–2019 détente era.

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