scholarly journals Discussion on the issue of “Outer Mongolia” at the United Nations in 1946-1961: The evolution of Soviet and American position towards the MPR’s membership issue

2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (112) ◽  
pp. 31-45
Author(s):  
Batbayar Tsedendamba

The article explores the aspects of the interaction between the USSR and the USA on the issue of “Outer Mongolia” as it was called within the United Nations at the first stage of the Cold War. The author divided the issue of “Outer Mongolia” at the UN during that period into three periods: the first period from 1946 to 1948, the second period from 1950 to1953, i.e. during the Korean war, the final, third one from 1955 to 1961. The author shows how the manipulation of the United Nations by the great powers in their own political interests impeded the settlement of the global issues and postponed admission of the countries such as Mongolian People’s Republic (so called Outer Mongolia) to the UN for many years. The admission to the UN for Mongolia was a matter of national pride as a sovereign nation, and gaining legitimacy in the world affairs and building a reputation in the international arena. The nature of the dialogue between Moscow and Washington played a key role in solving global and regional issues, and aspirations of small countries like the Mongolian People’s Republic had a negligible weight in international affairs.   НҮБ-д Монголын асуудлыг хэлэлцсэн нь (1946-1961 он): БНМАУ-ын гишүүнчлэлийн асуудлаарх ЗХУ, АНУ-ын байр суурийн хувьсал өөрчлөлт Хураангуй: Тус өгүүлэлд “Хүйтэн дайн”-ы нөхцөлд НҮБ дахь Монголын асуудлаар ЗХУ, АНУ зэрэг их гүрнүүдийн байр суурь, тэдний зөрчил, сөргөлдөөн, эвлэрлийн уялдаа холбоог авч үзэх болно. Зохиогч НҮБ-д Монголын элссэн түүхэн үйл явцыг гурван үед буюу 1946-1948 оны эхний үе, 1950-1953 оны Солонгосын дайны үе, 1955-1961 оны НҮБ-д элссэн төгсгөлийн үе хэмээн задлан авч үзэв. “Хүйтэн дайны” үед их гүрнүүд Нэгдсэн Үндэстний байгууллагыг өөрсдийн улс төрийн зорилгод дур зоргоор ашиглаж байсан нь олон улсын маргаантай асуудлыг шийдвэрлэхэд саад болж, БНМАУ зэрэг орнуудыг НҮБ-д элсэх асуудлыг олон жилээр хойш татаж байв. БНМАУ-ын хувьд НҮБ-д элсэх нь туурга тусгаар улсын үндэсний бахархал, хууль ёсны эрхээ хүлээн зөвшөөрүүлэх, олон улсын нэр хүндээ өсгөх ач холбогдолтой байлаа. Тэр нөхцөлд Москва, Вашингтон хоорондын яриа хэлэлцээний шинж чанар нь глобаль болон бүс нутгийн асуудлыг шийдвэрлэхэд гол хүчин зүйл болж ирсэн бөгөөд жижиг орны хүсэл эрмэлзэл олон улсын хэрэгт тэр болгон үр нөлөөтэй байж чадахгүй байв. Түлхүүр үгс: НҮБ, ЗХУ, АНУ, “хүйтэн дайн”, БНМАУ-ын гишүүнчлэл, Гоминьданы Хятадын вето эрх

Author(s):  
Batbayar Tsedendamba

The article explores the aspects of the interaction between the USSR and the USA on the Mongolian question within the UN during first 15 years of the Cold war. The author dwells such problems as Mongolia’s contribution to the war against Japanese militarism; the question of the involvement of Ulaanbaatar to the Korean war in 1950-1953; the arguments between Moscow and Washington concerning the package admittance of new members; the reason of the veto power exercised by the Chiang Kai-shek regime; ideological conflicts between two opposing blocs in the United Nations. The first application for Mongolia’s admission to the UN was submitted to Secretary-General Trygve Lie in a letter dated June 21, 1946, signed by Kh. Choibalsan, Prime-Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the MPR. The solution of this issue, however, dragged on until 1961. During this period, the application for admission of the MPR was renewed four times - in 1948, 1955, 1956 and 1957. The Mongolian statement was considered at least 13 times in various meetings of the UN Security Council.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 347-367
Author(s):  
Robert Barnes

Seventy-five years after the creation of the United Nations at the Dumbarton Oaks conference, the secretary-general has become the de facto figurehead of the world organization and the office-holder is expected to take a proactive role in a whole range of global issues. Yet it remains unclear what powers the Allied planners intended for the secretary-general. By examining the discussions that took place on this issue before, during and after Dumbarton Oaks this article argues that despite the seemingly innocuous provisions relating to the secretary-general enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, the office-holder was never intended to simply be a chief administrator. What is more, the first Secretary-General, Trygve Lie, controversially sought to resolve a number of issues that came before the United Nations, most notably the Korean War. The second half of this article thus demonstrates that while Lie did test the parameters of his office to the limits during the Korean conflict, none of his actions exceeded the powers granted to the secretary-general. Moreover, Lie’s role during the Korean War set the tone for his successor, Dag Hammarskjold, who is usually seen as the most proactive secretary-general to date.


Studia Humana ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-82
Author(s):  
Sukrit Sabhlok

AbstractMost analysts view the United Nations as a positive stabilising force in international affairs. In this paper, I critically assess this opinion of the UN’s peace enforcement actions using the case studies of the Korean War and the Gulf War while relying on the non-aggression axiom of libertarian philosophy. In the process, I shed light on some of the moral considerations at play when deciding on UN-sanctioned military intervention.


Author(s):  
Kil Joo Ban

Abstract Which is needed more: sovereignty or security? The autonomy–security trade-off model sees this as a trade-off between a client and a patron. A client surrenders some measure of autonomy to a patron and, in turn, receives security. This paper explores whether the underlying logic is applicable to quasi-alliances between a state and a multinational regime, such as the United Nations Command (UNC). South Korea has maintained a quasi-alliance with the UNC since the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950. The level of trade-off between South Korea and the UNC, however, has been changing over time, particularly while being affected by the power growth of South Korea, a client, and the preference changes of the US, the most important actor of the UNC, a patron. This paper attempts to explain why South Korea is much more enthusiastic in seeking full sovereignty and more autonomy in the 2018–2019 détente era.


Author(s):  
Waheguru Pal Singh Sidhu

This chapter examines India’s important contributions to U.N. peacekeeping. It discusses peacekeeping operations and their objectives, outlines the United Nations’ peacekeeping principles, and reviews the role India played in historical events such as The Korean War, United Nations Emergency Force, and United Nations Operation in Congo. The chapter argues that as India and Jawaharlal Nehru held no political or economic interest, only a strong vision for peace and a manifestation of One World, they adhered to and encouraged U.N. peacekeeping.


1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 685-708 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norman J. Padelford

The Korean war will no doubt long be regarded as the crucial test of the ability of the United Nations to meet armed aggression with international force. In view of the complexity of the events connected with the war, it may be useful to attempt a tentative appraisal of the United Nations' role up to the point of truce negotiations


Author(s):  
Ulambayar Denzenlkham

This article discusses Mongolia’s 15 years of diplomatic efforts to join the United Nations, the main factors that influenced it, and the changing policies and positions of the Soviet Union, the Kuomintang of China, the United States, and other great powers. Although the Mongolian People’s Republic was able to join the United Nations in 1946, it was influenced by the Soviet Union’s communist position. Since 1946, Chiang Kai-shek’s Chinese policy and position have been a major obstacle. The history of the Republic of China, which existed on the mainland between 1912 and 1949, was the history of the struggle for power between the warlords, the history of the struggle between the Kuomintang and the Communists. In the nearly 40 years since the founding of the Republic of China in 1912, neither the warlords nor the Kuomintang have been able to exercise their sovereignty on the mainland, but they are keen to see Outer Mongolia as part of their territory. The Kuomintang was expelled from the mainland in 1949, shortly after 1946. During the Korean War, initiated by Kim Il-sung, Joseph Stalin and Mao Zedong, Mongolia stood firmly behind North Korea, providing both moral and material support. It has not been mentioned anywhere that this resulted in Mongolia’s efforts at the UN being postponed for many years. When Communist China entered the Korean War, the Kuomintang, which fully supported the US-led UN military operation (peacekeeping), not only continuously provoked at the Security Council of the United Nations, but also presented false documents about the MPR - described as “a Chinese territory seized by the Soviet Union” - sending troops to North Korea.The United States, which has recognized the status quo of the Mongolian People’s Republic, has made it clear that it has played an important role in the country’s admission to the United Nations. Thus Mongolia’s attempt finally succeeded and it became the 101st state to join the United Nations. As a consequence, Mongolia’s independence has been approved by a recognize of Western powers and it began to emerge out of its isolation, participate in decision of global issues, and cooperate with the international community. However, not only did this opportunity not be fully exploited, but due to the Cold War, Mongolia became a hotbed of ideological competition between the socialist and capitalist systems at the United Nations, the speakers’ rostrum Nevetheless,Post-Cold War, a whole new era of cooperation between Mongolia and the United Nations began.


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