MANIFESTATIONS OF CLOSER GERMAN-SOVIET POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND MILITARY RELATIONS, IN THE YEARS 1921-1926, FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE STATE SECURITY, AS ASSESSED BY THE SECOND DEPARTMENT OF THE GENERAL STAFF OF THE POLISH ARMED FORCES

Author(s):  
Tomasz LANDMANN ◽  
Piotr BASTKOWSKI

The article attempts to analyse the practical examples of closer political, economic and military relations between Germany and Soviet Russia, and then the Soviet Union, in the years 1921-1926. The paper lays out the thesis that the closer German-Soviet political, economic and military relations, in the years 1921-1926, posed a significant threat to the security of the Second Polish Republic. To justify the above thesis both the literature and source materials were examined, including first of all the materials held in the Central Military Archives (Centralne Archiwum Wojskowe) in Warszawa-Rembertów. The materials gathered in the groups of records of the Second Department of the Polish Army High Command and the Collections of Russian records were found out to be of key importance. The collected archival materials made it possible to identify different planes of cooperation between the Germans and the Soviets in the discussed period and to establish to what extent the Polish military intelligence was aware of the feasibility and effects of such closer relations, resulting in a direct threat to the security of the Polish state. On the basis of the presented information it can be stated that the Polish military intelligence provided an accurate diagnosis of the examples of German-Soviet cooperation, often anti-Polish in its form and character. In the years 1921-1926, this cooperation was particularly intensified, posing a threat to the security of the Second Polish Republic and leading to negotiations regarding both the western and the eastern borders of Poland established after the Treaty of Versailles and the Treaty of Riga.

2019 ◽  
pp. 6-17
Author(s):  
Tomasz Landmann

This article attempts to look at practical examples approximation of political, economic and military Germany and Soviet Russia, then the Soviet Union in 1921–1930. It is adopted the thesis according to which the German-Soviet political, economic and military rapprochement during the years 1921–1930 significantly endangers the safety of the Second Republic of Poland.To prove this thesis it was decided to rely on both the literature and source materials, including first of all materials in the Central Military Archives in Warsaw-Rembertów. The key is turned out to be the materials collected in teams of Division II of the Supreme Command of the Polish Army and the Russian Collection Act. The collected archival documents pinpoint various areas of cooperation with the Germans and the Soviets during the given period, as well as determine to what extent the Polish military intelligence assessed the feasibility and effects of the approximation to a direct threat to the security of the Polish state.The content allows concluding that the Polish military intelligence had good diagnosis examples of German-Soviet cooperation, often with a strong anti-Polish shape and character. This cooperation in the years 1921–1930 was particularly intense, threatening the security interests of the Second Republic of Poland and leading to the negation established after the Treaty of Versailles and the Treaty of Riga Polish borders on both the west and the east.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 176
Author(s):  
Boris Kindyuk ◽  
Mykhailo Kelman ◽  
Vasyl Patlachuk ◽  
Olexander Patlachuk

The purpose of article deals with the study of history of preparation and the reasons for the adoption of the Polish Constitutions in the period from 1919 to 1997 years. Research methods: dialectical, chronological, comparative, system-structural. Main results. The article shows that the history of the preparation of the Polish Constitutions in the period from 1919 to 1997 years occurred under the conditions of constant changes of socio-political factors, which was reflected in the state system, political, economic and social relations, rights and freedoms of the population. It is proved that the history of Polish constitutionalism has evolved in a complex vector from the insignificant in volume and scientific level of the Little Constitution of 1919, which was adopted in conditions of armed confrontation with Soviet Russia, to the 1997 Constitution, which complies with European standards. The influence of the historical personality of Marshal Jozef Pilsudski was investigated, who became the sponsor of the rebirth of independent Poland on the history of the preparation and adoption of the Polish Constitutions of 1919, 1921 years and the Constitution of 1935 in which the President of the country was given dictatorial powers during the period of war. It is shown that the Constitution of 1952, which was written according to Soviet models and based on instructions received from Moscow, had to consolidate in Poland a socialist model in which the Polish United Workers Party had a leading role in society. It is shown that the collapse of the Soviet Union led to the elimination of the communist system in Poland, the rise to power of democratic forces, which resulted the adoption Constitution 1997. The peculiarity of the Constitutional process was the fact that for the first time in the history of Poland on 25th May 1997 a referendum was held regarding its adoption. The Constitution 1997 was adopted in the context of a transition from command-administrative to a democratic system of government, so its content is marked by a democratic nature that ensured the creation of private ownership of all means of production and free trade. The historical reasons of the drafting of the Polish Constitutions have undergone a complex dynamic, which is connected with political changes in the country, which is reflected in the content of the ideas, doctrinal views and Basic Laws. The practical significance of the study lies in the use of Polish historical experience in the development of event scenarios in Ukraine in order to prevent errors in modern state-making. Originality. A comprehensive study of the history of Polish constitutionalism, taking into account socio-political reasons. Article type: descriptive.


Author(s):  
Zoltan Barany

This chapter examines the democratization of civil–military relations in two former fascist dictatorships, postwar Germany and Japan, whose armies had destroyed and terrorized large swathes of the surrounding territory. The creation of lasting democratic regimes on the ashes of these dictatorships stands as the signal achievement of democracy promotion. An important part of this process was the building of the new West German and Japanese armed forces. On the other hand, Hungary after World War II illustrates the trajectory of military politics in numerous European states where domestic political forces were defeated by the Soviet Union and its native communist puppets. The chapter then considers the evolution of Hungarian civil–military relations from the end of the war until the March 1953 death of Joseph Stalin, which is a suitable point to mark the consolidation of the Soviet-controlled communist regime and the completion of the armed forces' transformation.


Author(s):  
Yuriy Lutsenko ◽  
Oleh Kravchuk ◽  
Yuliya Tsyganyuk ◽  
Sergey Klymenko

Reviews of modern trends in foreign legislation and a general overview of normative legal acts that embody the attitude of the state to the concept and attributes of state security have always been and still remain relevant from both practical and theoretical viewpoints. The authors stress that legal regulation of state security is a basic factor for the development of state policy in every modern society. They study some problems connected with the break-up of the Soviet Union and analyze the prerequisites that later influenced the development and adoption of independent criminal legislation in the countries under review. The authors also examine key trends of state security policy as well as military, political, economic and other domains of ensuring state security. They present a list of key approaches to the goals of nation strategy of protecting certain subjects against external and internal threats. They also offer a general description of normative legal acts that reflect the attitude of different states to the concept and attributes of state security, study the common features and the differences of some crimes against state security (high treason, espionage, subversion, sabotage, disclosure of a state secret, loss of documents containing a state secret, and some others).


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Inggs

This article investigates the perceived image of English-language children's literature in Soviet Russia. Framed by Even-Zohar's polysystem theory and Bourdieu's philosophy of action, the discussion takes into account the ideological constraints of the practice of translation and the manipulation of texts. Several factors involved in creating the perceived character of a body of literature are identified, such as the requirements of socialist realism, publishing practices in the Soviet Union, the tradition of free translation and accessibility in the translation of children's literature. This study explores these factors and, with reference to selected examples, illustrates how the political and sociological climate of translation in the Soviet Union influenced the translation practices and the field of translated children's literature, creating a particular image of English-language children's literature in (Soviet) Russia.


The armed forces of Europe have undergone a dramatic transformation since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The Handbook of European Defence Policies and Armed Forces provides the first comprehensive analysis of national security and defence policies, strategies, doctrines, capabilities, and military operations, as well as the alliances and partnerships of European armed forces in response to the security challenges Europe has faced since the end of the cold war. A truly cross-European comparison of the evolution of national defence policies and armed forces remains a notable blind spot in the existing literature. This Handbook aims to fill this gap with fifty-one contributions on European defence and international security from around the world. The six parts focus on: country-based assessments of the evolution of the national defence policies of Europe’s major, medium, and lesser powers since the end of the cold war; the alliances and security partnerships developed by European states to cooperate in the provision of national security; the security challenges faced by European states and their armed forces, ranging from interstate through intra-state and transnational; the national security strategies and doctrines developed in response to these challenges; the military capabilities, and the underlying defence and technological industrial base, brought to bear to support national strategies and doctrines; and, finally, the national or multilateral military operations by European armed forces. The contributions to The Handbook collectively demonstrate the fruitfulness of giving analytical precedence back to the comparative study of national defence policies and armed forces across Europe.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-123
Author(s):  
Catherine Schuler

A war of history and memory over the Great Patriotic War (WWII) between the Soviet Union and Germany has been raging in Vladimir Putin’s Russia for almost two decades. Putin’s Kremlin deploys all of the mythmaking machinery at its disposal to correct narratives that demonize the Soviet Union and reflect badly on post-Soviet Russia. Victory Day, celebrated annually on 9 May with parades, concerts, films, theatre, art, and music, plays a crucial role in disseminating the Kremlin’s counter narratives.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0095327X2110629
Author(s):  
Kirill Shamiev

This article studies the role of military culture in defense policymaking. It focuses on Russia’s post-Soviet civil–military relations and military reform attempts. After the fall of the Soviet Union, Russia’s armed forces were in a state of despair. Despite having relative institutional autonomy, the military neither made itself more effective before minister Serdyukov nor tried to overthrow the government. The paper uses the advocacy coalition framework’s belief system approach to analyze data from military memoirs, parliamentary speeches, and 15 interviews. The research shows that the military’s support for institutional autonomy, combined with its elites’ self-serving bias, critically contributed to what I term an “imperfect equilibrium” in Russian civil–military relations: the military could not reform itself and fought back against radical, though necessary, changes imposed by civilian leadership.


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