The Battle over the ERA

Big Sister ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 64-89
Author(s):  
Erin M. Kempker
Keyword(s):  
General Public ◽  
The State ◽  
Equal Rights Amendment ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
The Right ◽  
Conservative Women ◽  
International Women's Year

Chapter 3 zeros in on Indiana to investigate how conservativism infused with one-world conspiracism developed there and affected feminist goals like the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA). Feminism was alive and well in the state and existing liberal groups formed a coalition that called itself the ERA Coordinating Committee (later renamed Hoosiers for the Equal Rights Amendment) in the early seventies in order to achieve state ratification of the ERA. Feminists adopted a “low key” approach--a strategy to make feminism palatable to the general public in the state. On the right, conservative women effectively transitioned old anticommunist fears to a new target and in editorials described the ERA as communist directed. State ERA ratification riled and rallied the rightwing and made conservatives all the more determined to stop “the planners” in their next showdown, International Women’s Year.

After Suffrage Comes Equal Rights?

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tracey Jean Boisseau ◽  
Tracy A. Thomas
Keyword(s):  
Federal Legislation ◽  
Women's Employment ◽  
Equal Rights Amendment ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Women’S Employment ◽  
Nineteenth Amendment ◽  
Conservative Women ◽  
Politically Active ◽  
Principal Contribution ◽  
Strategic Goal

A politicized culture and century-long debate over women’s nature and role may turn out to be the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA)’s principal contribution to American feminism. Despite perceptions that an equal rights amendment was the next logical step following the Nineteenth Amendment, arguments broke out among feminist activists over whether an equal rights amendment would menace important legal victories, such as protective legislation for women’s employment. Yet even after other federal legislation quieted labor advocates’ concerns, virulent disagreement over an equal rights amendment among politicized women continued for years. Only in the late 1960s did politically active women come to embrace the ERA as a strategic goal. Even then the question of women’s differences from men—whether physical, psychological, or social—did not evaporate. Instead, new battle lines between progressive and newly organized conservative women were drawn in ways that doomed the amendment’s ratification chances.

scholarly journals The Equal Rights Amendment in the Twenty-First Century: Ratification Issues and Intersectional Effects

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Hanna H. White
Keyword(s):  
First Century ◽  
Equal Rights Amendment ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
Twenty First Century ◽  
Abortion Access ◽  
The Right

The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), originally introduced only three years after women gained the right to vote, has seen a resurgence in interest in the twenty-first century with recent ratifications in Nevada and Illinois. This is in spite of the fact that the version of the ERA these ratifications pertain to, which passed in Congress in 1972, appeared to expire in 1982. This paper seeks to summarize the history and present of the ERA, with particular attention paid to how ratification might affect current hot-button issues such as restrictions on abortion access and transgender rights.

Anti-Feminist, Pro-Life, and Anti-ERA Women

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronnee Schreiber
Keyword(s):  
Equal Rights Amendment ◽  
Women's Activism ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Women's Bodies ◽  
Reproductive Health Care ◽  
Class Differences ◽  
National Organizations ◽  
Conservative Women ◽  
Pro Life ◽  
Pro Choice

For more than a century, women have organized for anti-feminist and conservative causes, including opposition to the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) and legal abortion. This chapter outlines anti-feminist women’s activism ranging from their opposition to suffrage, to their support for the Ku Klux Klan, to their formation into contemporary national organizations. It examines the fight over the ERA, with special attention paid to the conservative women who opposed it, the tactics they employed, and how racial and class differences among women factored into support for, or opposition to, the amendment’s passage. Finally, an analysis of pro-life women’s activism provides insights into the strategies they use to counter feminist and pro-choice efforts. Talking as women, about women’s interests, enables pro-life groups and actors to tackle pro-choice advocates who have long argued for attention to women’s bodies and lives in reproductive health-care debates.

A Radical Demand Effect: Early US Feminists and the Married Women's Property Acts

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 221-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holly J. McCammon ◽  
Sandra C. Arch ◽  
Erin M. Bergner
Keyword(s):  
Property Rights ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Equal Rights Amendment ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Married Women's Property Acts ◽  
Economic Downturns ◽  
Property Changes ◽  
The Right ◽  
Demand Effect ◽  
Collective Activism

Numerous scholars consider the economic origins of the late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century US married women's property acts. Researchers investigate how economic downturns and women's inroads into business spurred lawmakers to reform property laws to give married women the right to own separate property. Such economic explanations, however, are only a partial story. Our investigation reveals the important role of women's collective activism in winning these legal changes. Women mobilized for property rights often as they pressed for voting rights and, in one case, as they campaigned for an equal rights amendment. We examine circumstances leading to passage of married women's property acts in seven states to show that as women mobilized for property rights alongside voting rights or a broader equal rights law, a radical demand effect unfolded. Lawmakers often considered demands for woman suffrage or an equal rights amendment as more far-reaching and thus more radical and threatening. Such feminist demands, then, provided a foil for property-rights activism, and the contrast led lawmakers to view property demands as more moderate. In addition, as they pressed for these combined reforms, women often engaged in hybrid framing that allowed them to moderate their demand for property reforms by linking their property goals to beliefs already widely accepted. The confluence of these circumstances led political leaders to deem property changes as more moderate and acceptable in an effort to steer feminists away from their radical goals. In the end, the radical demand effect created a political opportunity for passage of the married women's property acts.

Die thüringische Landtagswahl vom 27. Oktober 2019: Das nächste Experiment – eine rot-rot-grüne Minderheitsregierung mit Verfallsdatum

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-348
Author(s):  
Torsten Oppelland
Keyword(s):  
General Public ◽  
The State ◽  
Election Outcome ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
The Third ◽  
Minority Government ◽  
One Year ◽  
The Right ◽  
Clear Majority

After a campaign, which was both polarized and poor in content, the state election failed to produce a clear majority in the Landtag . The winners of the election were The Left and the AfD, while the parties of the right and left center suffered losses; only the FDP gained a little and managed to pass the five percent threshold . The election outcome deemed it unlikely that a government could be formed since neither the previous red-red-green coalition nor a CDU-FDP coalition had a majority . As coalitions transcending the traditional coalition blocks or any agreements for the toleration of a minority government could not be reached either, the consequence was that in February 2020, the Thuringian FDP leader Thomas Kemmerich was elected state premier in the third ballot with votes from the FDP, CDU, and AfD . Of the latter party not a single member voted for their own candidate . The outrage in the general public led to FDP’s federal party leader Patrick Lindner to force Kemmerich to resign on the day after his election . Only then, during the „interregnum“ that followed, were CDU and the former coalition parties The Left, SPD, and Greens able to agree on a „stability mechanism“ which allowed Bodo Ramelow to be reelected as a state premier of a minority government, which is meant to stay in office for only a little more than one year .

Learning from Failures Present and Past

1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (04) ◽  
pp. 585-587
Author(s):  
Margery L. Elfin
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Constitutional Amendment ◽  
The Political ◽  
Equal Rights Amendment ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Speaking Out ◽  
Previous Condition ◽  
Small Band ◽  
The Right ◽  
Fifteenth Amendment

The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) is not the first failed attempt to amend the U.S. Constitution to make the political power of women more equal to that of men. Nor was the first failure connected with the so-called Women's Suffrage Amendment which was ratified in 1920. Rather, it occurred 50 years and four successful amendments earlier. Despite the determined efforts of a small group of women, the Fifteenth Amendment guaranteed the right of all male citizens to vote regardless of “race, color, or previous condition of servitude” but left out women altogether.It would be foolhardy to draw neat parallels between the experiences of activist women at two times as different as 1870 and the present. Nonetheless, it can be an instructive exercise.Americans have always been suspicious of elites, and criticism leveled at the leadership of the ERA reflects that attitude. It would be unlikely, however, for amassmovement to be the propelling force behind a constitutional amendment. Looking back at the struggle over the Fifteenth Amendment, we see that a small band of educated, upper-middle-class women fought for the inclusion of women. That those women were perceived as an elite does seem to have hurt their cause. Similarly, the ERA's chances may have been damaged by a perception that its chief proponents were not typical American women.Yet, the political culture of the time is clearly of greatest importance in determining an amendment's passage. In 1870 the barriers to acceptance of women as leaders were so great that even communicating their views was no easy task for the early suffragettes. The culture was resistant to women “speaking out.”

scholarly journals UPAYA HUKUM KREDITOR SEBAGAI PENANGKAL RISIKO HAPUSNYA HAK ATAS TANAH YANG DIAGUNKAN

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ghansam Anand
Keyword(s):  
Property Rights ◽  
State Power ◽  
Land Rights ◽  
The State ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
The Right ◽  
Over Time

ABSTRACT             The creditor certainly wants a position that is not the same as other creditors, because the same position with other creditors means getting equal rights with other creditors of the proceeds from the sale of the debtor's property, if the debtor is liable to the promise. The balanced position does not provide certainty of guaranteed return of receivables. The more creditors of the debtor are concerned, the less likely it is to guarantee the return of the receivable if for some reason the debtor becomes insolvent (unable to pay its debts). The procurement of legally guaranteed copyrights is to provide a position for a particular creditor to take precedence over other creditors. It is also the objective of the existence of Mortgage Rights as regulated by Law Number 4 Year 1996 concerning the Right of Million of Land and Land Related. One of the events that eliminated the Mortgage right is mentioned in Article 18 paragraph (1d) UUHT, that as the last mentioned basis for the abolition of Mortgage right is the abolition of land rights. The abolition of land rights takes place over time, for which the right is granted. Rights that are lower in rank than property rights such as the right to use, the right to use and the right to use are limited in time, even if physically still exist. With the termination of the rights to the land concerned, the rights to the land concerned shall return to the concerned owner or owner and if such right is granted by the state, then the land is returned to the state power. Thus, the creditor of the dependent will lose his position as the preferred creditor. Keywords: Creditors, Debtors, Deposit Rights

scholarly journals Polite Literature and Satyagraham

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niranjan Iyer
Keyword(s):  
General Public ◽  
The State ◽  
Neural Pathway ◽  
Passive Resistance ◽  
Actual Fact ◽  
Hidden Agenda ◽  
The Veil ◽  
The Right

Satyagraham: commonly mistaken for passive resistance; in actual fact means “firmness in the truth”. The ‘capable’ spokesperson/s holds in their power the ability to aggravate the general public into higher orbitals of tempers that anger is the only neural pathway through which deliberations occur. One is thus adequately motivated to trust the news produced, pandering to the outcomes of ones thoughts whilst in the state of anger. There is an old saying in Tamil that when translated goes: “The man that is easily angered, lacks the capacity for thought”. This may not necessarily apply only to the temperamental. A feeling one gets is that the arousal of tempers is quite subjective and the right trigger can overly anger even the most rational of people. Threat to safety, income and acquired xenophobia are historically potent triggers. If one then wished then to advance an agenda, ‘hide it behind a veil that is the trigger’ is a secret known to the enlightened, and the less mechanically visible the veil, the less likely the public’s ability to see through the veil to the hidden agenda.

scholarly journals Actual aspects of a judicial regulation of explantation of donor’s materials for transplantation

2020 ◽  
Vol 87 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 79-83
Author(s):  
A. V. Musiienko ◽  
O. A. Skomarovskyi ◽  
K. R. Dobkina ◽  
V. V. Musiienko
Keyword(s):  
Informed Consent ◽  
The State ◽  
Effective Control ◽  
State Control ◽  
Main Principle ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Potential Donor ◽  
The Right ◽  
Objective Investigation

Objective. Investigation of actual aspects concerning judicial regulation of explantation of donor’s anatomical materials for transplantation, determination of main problematic issues of such activity and delineation of ways to improve the legislative-judicial guaranties of the person’s life and the health guarding in explantation procedure of the donor’s anatomical materials. Materials and metods. Modern national and international normative base, which establishes main principle of explantation of the donor’s anatomical materials, was investigated. The methods of searching, analysis, systematization and summarizing of information were studied. Results. Necessity in sophisticated judicial base for transplantology is connected, first of all, with peculiar relations between donor and recipient, specifically constituting equal rights for the life for them. Actual judicial pattern of the consent or rejection delivery for procedure of explantation of the donor’s anatomical materials in the dead persons are frequently considered the disadvantages of a legislative-judicial regulation of transplantology. In such situation, the authors mentioned, that it is necessary to preserve an actual judicial pattern of the informed consent obtaining, to improve this procedure,as well as a mechanism of fixation and the state control. Also it is necessary to proceed with further harmonization of national legislation with international principles, concerning judicial regulation of explantation of donor’s materials, taking into account the national peculiarities and realization of the state policy in development of transplantology. The investigation results were confirmed by the author’s statistical observation. Conclusion. Basing on the definite priority of human rights, a necessity for guaranteeing to them the right to live and to be physicslly untouchable, independent from judicial pattern of the consent obtaining for the anatomical materials explantation, the state must guarantee the usable mechanism of effective control for obtaining and fixation of a consent of a potential donor.

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