Migrants and Political Change in Latin America

Author(s):  
Luis F. Jiménez

In Migrants and Political Change in Latin America, Luis Jiménez looks at how migrants are changing the politics of their country of origin. It argues that migrants can do this in three distinct ways: through social remittances, economic remittances, and the presence of return migrants. In the first case, they can alter political outcomes in their country of origin as they channel ideas that are different than those present at home. In the second case, they can influence how their compatriots, who never left, behave in an indirect manner through the channeling of resources. This is because wealth, as well as education (which itself has an indirect effect on how people behave politically), is associated with higher political participation. Finally, return migrants combine these two aspects, but their physical presence both expands and limits how it manifests itself in the country of origin. All migrants have the potential to influence the politics of their country of origin, but how and when this occurs depends on several critical aspects: the size and density of the diaspora’s social networks and the specific social context of the migrants’ homeland in terms of both political structure and broader local circumstances. This text tests this theory in three cases—Mexico, Colombia, and Ecuador. The author selected these countries carefully because of the size and type of diaspora, the place individuals opted to migrate to, and the different types of political structure. The book finds that migration contributed to an increase in political participation and electoral competitiveness, including the specific individuals that became President among other various political outcomes.

1971 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carole Pateman

In The Civic Culture, perhaps the best known study of political culture, Almond and Verba say that ‘the relationship between political culture and political structure [is] one of the most significant researchable aspects of the problem of political stability and change’. I want to look at the way this relationship has been treated in one particular area, an area very relevant to questions of political stability and change in our own society; that is, in studies of political participation and apathy, especially research into the sense of political efficacy or competence. This is the area with which The Civic Culture itself is largely concerned, and it is now well established that individuals low in a sense of political efficacy tend to be apathetic about politics; indeed, Almond and Verba consider the sense of efficacy or competence to be a ‘key political attitude’.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tania M. Alvarez

Bolivarianism, as both populist political practice and political re-articulation of democracy, development and identity in Latin America offers a new vision of the world that resists globalization and encourages participation, popular empowerment, Latin American integration and independence. The thesis employs discourse analysis to examine the newly launched teleSUR, an international public broadcasting network (the first of its kind) conceived as an alternative media text to American and private television and as a medium of political change. Specifically, I apply my analysis to the news and testimony genre as a particular moments articulated together within a wider discourse of Bolivarianism emerging out of Venezuela today. An attempt will be made to uncover the key signifiers in the broadcasts and identify the strengths of the links regarding discursive constructions of supra- and plurinationalism, political participation and national sovereignty.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tania M. Alvarez

Bolivarianism, as both populist political practice and political re-articulation of democracy, development and identity in Latin America offers a new vision of the world that resists globalization and encourages participation, popular empowerment, Latin American integration and independence. The thesis employs discourse analysis to examine the newly launched teleSUR, an international public broadcasting network (the first of its kind) conceived as an alternative media text to American and private television and as a medium of political change. Specifically, I apply my analysis to the news and testimony genre as a particular moments articulated together within a wider discourse of Bolivarianism emerging out of Venezuela today. An attempt will be made to uncover the key signifiers in the broadcasts and identify the strengths of the links regarding discursive constructions of supra- and plurinationalism, political participation and national sovereignty.


1996 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcia Olander

The years following World War Two produced a strong resurgence of U.S. intervention in Central America and the Caribbean couched in Cold War terms. Although the U.S. intervention in Guatemala to overthrow the government of Jacobo Arbenz in 1954 has generally been seen as the first case of Cold War covert anti-Communist intervention in Latin America, several scholars have raised questions about U.S. involvement in a 1948 Costa Rican civil war in which Communism played a critical role. In a 1993 article in The Americas, Kyle Longley argued that “the U.S. response to the Costa Rican Revolution of 1948, not the Guatemalan affair, marked the origins of the Cold War in Latin America.” The U.S. “actively interfered,” and achieved “comparable results in Costa Rica as in Guatemala: the removal of a perceived Communist threat.” Other authors have argued, even, that the U.S. had prepared an invasion force in the Panama Canal Zone to pacify the country. The fifty years of Cold War anti-Communism entitles one to be skeptical of U.S. non-intervention in a Central American conflict involving Communism. Costa Ricans, aware of a long tradition of U.S. intervention in the region, also assumed that the U.S. would intervene. Most, if not all, were expecting intervention and one key government figure described U.S. pressure as like “the air, which is felt, even if it cannot be seen.” Yet, historians must do more than just “feel” intervention. Subsequent Cold War intervention may make it difficult to appraise the 1948 events in Costa Rica objectively. Statements like Longley's that “it is hard to believe that in early 1948 … Washington would not favor policies that ensured the removal of the [Communist Party] Vanguard,” although logical, do not coincide with the facts of the U.S. role in the conflict.


Author(s):  
Ralph Wilde

This article examines the Trusteeship Council, a principal organ whose work was essential to the settlement arising from World War II. It involved establishing procedures for the independence of the defeated powers' colonies. This article details the pioneering efforts of the UN at facilitating the decolonization of trust territories. This is part of the world organization's contribution to the processes of self-determination for peoples in Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Caribbean, and the Middle East. It also reveals that the work of the Trusteeship Council was linked to what may have been the most important political change of the twentieth century.


Author(s):  
Barbara Bombi

The examination of Anglo-papal relations between 1305 and 1309 provides an interesting first case study of how political change both in England and at the papal curia impacted on the development of Anglo-papal diplomatic and administrative practices in the early fourteenth century. In order to assess the extent to which political changes influenced Anglo-papal administrative and diplomatic practices in the early fourteenth century this chapter is organized in four sections. After a brief historiographical overview on Anglo-papal relations in the early fourteenth century, the chapter focuses on the surviving diplomatic correspondence, looking at some diplomatic documents produced in the context of the diplomatic missions sent from England to the papal curia between 5 June 1305, when Clement V was elected, and 14 November 1305, when he was consecrated at Lyons, as well as examining the first Roman roll, which recorded the petitions sent from England to the Apostolic See in the last year of Edward I’s reign (April 1306–July 1307). Finally, I address the evidence concerning the first two years of Edward II’s reign in order to look for continuity and change in Anglo-papal administrative and diplomatic practices after the succession of the new English king.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (12) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriella de Medeiros Abreu ◽  
Roberta Magalhães Tarantino ◽  
Pedro Hernan Cabello ◽  
Verônica Marques Zembrzuski ◽  
Ana Carolina Proença Fonseca ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  

2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (02) ◽  
pp. 1-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Hochstetler ◽  
Elisabeth Jay Friedman

AbstractThis article takes up the question of whether civil society organizations (CSOs) can and do act as mechanisms of representation in times of party crisis. It looks at recent representation practices in Argentina, Bolivia, and Brazil, three countries where political parties have experienced sharp crises after several decades of mixed reviews for their party systems. At such moments, any replacement of parties by CSOs should be especially apparent. This study concludes that the degree of crisis determines the extent that CSOs' representative functions replace partisan representation, at least in the short term. Where systems show signs of re-equilibration, CSOs offer alternative mechanisms through which citizens can influence political outcomes without seeking to replace parties. Where crisis is profound, CSOs claim some of the basic party functions but do not necessarily solve the problems of partisan representation.


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