Transformationsprozesse in den europäischen Parteiensystemen und ihre Folgen für die Zukunft der Europäischen Union

IG ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-32
Author(s):  
Johannes Kohls ◽  
Funda Tekin

Transformation processes at both the political and societal level are decisive factors for the future integration process of the European Union. Among the member states, highly variable causes for change are evident and particularly the inclusion-exclusion cleavage stands out. In addition, the pan-European crises of recent years have proved to be catalysts for the transformation of European societies and party systems, which is also being driven forward by new communication structures. Although the European elections themselves did not turn out to be an “earthquake” for the European integration process, they do make it more difficult to find a majority and form a government. The campaign themes that shaped the 2019 European elections have proved to be diverse. Environmental and climate policy does not count among the crucial issues for the elections across Europe.

Oikos ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (29) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Olga María Cerqueira Torres

RESUMENEn el presente artículo el análisis se ha centrado en determinar cuáles de las funciones del interregionalismo, sistematizadas en los trabajos de Jürgen Rüland, han sido desarrolladas en la relación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones, ya que ello ha permitido evidenciar si el estado del proceso de integración de la CAN ha condicionado la racionalidad política del comportamiento de la Unión Europea hacia la región andina (civil power o soft imperialism); esto posibilitará establecer la viabilidad de la firma del Acuerdo de Asociación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones.Palabras clave: Unión Europea, Comunidad Andina, interregionalismo, funciones, acuerdo de asociación. Interregionalism functions in the EU-ANDEAN community relationsABSTRACTIn the present article analysis has focused on which functions of interregionalism, systematized by Jürgen Rüland, have been developed in the European Union-Andean Community birregional relation, that allowed demonstrate if the state of the integration process in the Andean Community has conditioned the political rationality of the European Union towards the Andean region (civil power or soft imperialism); with all these elements will be possible to establish the viability of the Association Agreement signature between the European Union and the Andean Community.Keywords: European Union, Andean Community, interregionalism, functions, association agreement.


2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (10) ◽  
pp. 1349-1370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Manow ◽  
Holger Döring

Voters who participate in elections to the European Parliament (EP) apparently use these elections to punish their domestic governing parties. Many students of the EU therefore claim that the party—political composition of the Parliament should systematically differ from that of the EU Council. This study shows that opposed majorities between council and parliament may have other than simply electoral causes. The logic of domestic government formation works against the representation of more extreme and EU-skeptic parties in the Council, whereas voters in EP elections vote more often for these parties. The different locations of Council and Parliament are therefore caused by two effects: a mechanical effect—relevant for the composition of the Council—when national votes are translated into office and an electoral effect in European elections. The article discusses the implications of this finding for our understanding of the political system of the EU and of its democratic legitimacy.


Südosteuropa ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-433
Author(s):  
Luminita Gatejel ◽  
Adrian Grama

Abstract Between January and June 2019 Romania managed the rotating presidency of the European Union, the first of a trio to be followed by Finland and Croatia. This commentary takes stock of Romania’s trajectory over the last few years and offers a broad overview of the country’s economy and politics. Where does Romania stand today, more than a decade since it joined the European Union? In the first part, the authors sketch the recent evolution of Romania’s economy which has been marked by high growth but overall modest increases in wages, and tight labour markets. In the second part they turn to politics, in particular to the realignment of the political spectrum following the European elections of May 2019. They conclude by pointing out some of the problems that are likely to confront both Bucharest and Brussels in the near future.


IG ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 280-296
Author(s):  
Yvonne Nasshoven

This contribution examines the process of appointing the President of the European Commission in the aftermath of the European elections 2019. It analyses the interests of the players involved and mirrors these against the backdrop of patterns of earlier nominations. In addition, the article reflects on consequences for the political system of the European Union as a whole, especially with regard to the role of European political parties. The contribution finally develops possible scenarios for future appointments: In general, these could take cooperative or competing formats. In case of furthering supranational elements transnational lists could be used in combination with the “Spitzenkandidaten process”. This would still require a “saut qualitatif” by the European party families.


Author(s):  
Daniel Mertens ◽  
Matthias Thiemann ◽  
Peter Volberding

This chapter summarizes the key insights of this book’s contributions and links them back to field theory and the power asymmetries in the European integration process. It proceeds to discuss the role of development banks for a renewal of industrial policy in the European Union. The chapter concludes by sketching a critical research agenda on the political economy of development banking, discussing 1) the agency of NDBs and the relationship between the NDB’s principles and the private financial sector; (2) the consequences of these for transformative and distributional politics; (3) the democratic accountability of NDB activity; and (4) the future politics of a fragmented field and the threat of disintegration.


2016 ◽  
pp. 110-119
Author(s):  
Łukasz Zamęcki

The aim of the paper is to analyse the sources of the crisis of legitimacy of the EU from the perspective of the intergovernmental paradigm. The paper also focuses on the nature of this crisis and the possibilities of increasing the legitimacy of the EU. The author claims that the crisis of legitimacy is a result of the fact that there is “too much Europe”, not “too little”. According to Andrew Moravcsik’s approach to intergovernmentalism, the EU crisis is a result of feeling that the European Union has ceased to be seen as an effective tool for realising the interests of the states, or that the states started to define their preferences in the integration process in an unreasonable way.


Author(s):  
Tracey Raney

This paper is about the ways that citizens perceive their place in the political world around them, through their political identities. Using a combination of comparative and quantitative methodologies, the study traces the pattern of citizens’ political identifications in the European Union and Canada between 1981 and 2003 and explains the mechanisms that shape these political identifications. The results of the paper show that in the EU and Canada identity formation is a process that involves the participation of both individuals and political institutions yet between the two, individuals play a greater role in identity construction than do political institutions. The paper argues that the main agents of political identification in the EU and Canada are citizens themselves: individuals choose their own political identifications, rather than acquiring identities that are pre-determined by historical or cultural precedence. The paper makes the case that this phenomenon is characteristic of a rise of ‘civic’ identities in the EU and Canada. In the European Union, this overarching ‘civic’ identity is in its infancy compared to Canada, yet, both reveal a new form of political identification when compared to the historical and enduring forms of cultural identities firmly entrenched in Europe. The rise of civic identities in both the EU and Canada is attributed to the active role that citizens play in their own identity constructions as they base their identifications on rational assessments of how well political institutions function, and whether their memberships in the community will benefit them, rather than on emotional factors rooted in religion or race. In the absence of strongly held emotional identifications, in the EU and Canada political institutions play a passive role in identity construction by making the community appear more entitative to its citizens. These findings offer new theoretical scope to the concept of civic communities and the political identities that underpin them. The most important finding presented in the paper is that although civic communities and identities are manufactured by institutions and political elites (politicians and bureaucrats), they require thinking citizens, not feeling ones, to be sustained.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i4.179


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