Der Brexit-Prozess: ein „wicked problem“ für die Europäische Union und die Integrationsforschung

IG ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-149
Author(s):  
Martin Große Hüttmann

The paper looks at the challenges Brexit poses for EU studies as well as European politics. It discusses the exit of the UK from the European Union as a ‘wicked problem’ and the Brexit negotiations as tightly coupled ‘multi-level games’. By bringing together the two theories the article is offering a new perspective on the complexity of the issues and negotiations on the one hand and the disorder that has been typical for the whole Brexit process on the other.

2008 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 315-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Harrington

This paper develops a rhetorical critique of recent cases on migration and access to health care in Britain. It argues that the national territory, once a taken-for-granted starting point for reasoning in medical law, has lost its common-sense status as a result of neoliberal globalisation. This is evident in recent decisions involving on the one hand HIV-positive asylum seekers coming to the UK and on the other hand British ‘health tourists’ seeking funding for treatment elsewhere in the European Union. Courts are aware that many of these cases are likely to call forth the sympathy of audiences for the individual concerned, further undermining their privileging of the national scale. In curbing this ‘politics of pity’ they adopt a range of persuasive strategies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 103-120
Author(s):  
Janusz Ruszkowski

The author aims to investigate the position of OLAF in the multi-level governance system (MLG) of the European Union with specific inter-institutional consequences of such location, assuming that OLAF is not a classical supranational institution. In the research subject an important role is played by the European Commission (EC), which established OLAF and gave it specific competences to act. These facts are fundamentally important for further considerations, so they can have a major impact on the precise determination of OLAF’s position in the MLG. If OLAF as an agent and supervisor has control powers over supranational institutions, including its principal, a supranational European Commission, it is unlikely that it would also be a supranational institution. This article demonstrates, that OLAF is not a classic supranational institution because it exhibits strong features of a supra-supranational institution operating in a multi-level EU governance system. A helpful theoretical and methodological research tools we consider the Principal/Agent Theory (PAT) and its combination Principal/Supervisor/Agent Theory (PSAT) on the one hand, and the concept of multi-level governance (MLG) on the other hand.


This book provides a broad and accessible introduction to contemporary European politics, covering the fundamental elements of European democracies, institutions, and practices of government. It provides comprehensive coverage of the twenty-seven member states of the European Union, additionally drawing on examples from the UK, Switzerland, Norway, Iceland, Serbia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. The book is divided into three parts. Part 1 focuses on democratic representation, examining the core features of electoral democracy in Europe. Part 2 turns to the institutions and practices of government, focusing in particular on how institutional design shapes political outcomes. Part 3 examines a number of contemporary issues and challenges, including migration, economic crises, the threat of international terrorism, and the rise of anti-establishment parties, and examines the effects they have had on politics in European countries. Throughout, up-to-date examples on issues such as Brexit, the coronavirus pandemic, and growing instability in Europe are used to help students understand the real-world context of European politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-84
Author(s):  
Jackie Goode

In this autoethnographic response to Brexit, the author tries to make sense of feelings of profound loss following the UK referendum decision to leave the European Union. In exploring questions of what it is that has been lost, who ‘we’ are, and how we might recover, she traces key strands in her family, cultural, and professional life that highlight both points of division and points of connection with others (and with those doing ‘othering’), in our increasingly polarised and fragmented world. Stories she listened to in her professional capacity, told by politicians on the one hand and by those who had long felt excluded and ‘left behind’ on the other, take on a fresh significance in light of the decision to ‘leave’. In these uncertain and insecure times, one thing seems sure: Progress lies in connecting to others, reaching out, crossing borders, holding hands, healing wounds, re-creating community.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuliya Kaspiarovich

In 1972 the UK signed an accession treaty with the EU while Switzerland and the EU concluded a free trade agreement. Nowadays, both countries have a very close relationship with the EU and are not (or not anymore) EU Member States. This article aims to analyse two complex legal paths taken by countries able but not willing (or no longer willing) to be part of the EU through institutional arrangements they have already negotiated or are currently negotiating with the EU. On the one hand, the UK was part of the EU legal order and is now extracting itself from the realm of EU law while switching to relations with the EU based on international law. On the other hand, Switzerland has built its relations with the EU on numerous bilateral agreements based on EU law without establishing a homogeneous institutional mechanism, which the EU has been insistently demanding since 2013. These two situations are paradoxically similar as for both of them the design of institutional arrangements depends on the degree of integration with/extraction from EU law. A comparison between the EU–UK withdrawal agreement, the EU–UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) and the EU–Switzerland draft institutional agreement, as proposed in this article, confirms that the degree of institutional flexibility that the EU is able to offer to a third country with which it concludes an agreement is dependent on whether that agreement is based on EU law, and in particular, EU internal market law. This article argues that depending on the nature of law the agreement is based on, from an EU perspective variations in the role of Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and/or of an arbitral tribunal may make sense, but this is not the case when one takes an outside perspective.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-37
Author(s):  
Annegret Engel

This paper discusses the key legal issues arising from the constitutional conceptions of both the EU and the UK in the latter’s withdrawal process. It argues that the adherent Brexit dilemma is mainly the result of the UK’s non-codified constitution on the one hand, exposing legal uncertainty over institutional procedures, regional involvement, or the precise status of international law. Nevertheless, the EU’s composition of the withdrawal process as defined in Article 50 TEU has also caused confusion during the negotiations of the withdrawal agreement, the future EU-UK relationship, as well as the possibility of revocation. Due to its unprecedented nature, the several uncertainties and flaws inherent in this case have consumed valuable time and resources which could have otherwise been used more efficiently in order to ensure a smooth and orderly departure from the EU.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 657-674 ◽  
Author(s):  
NASAR MEER

AbstractThis article considers how one of the ‘archipelago of contradictions’ raised by Brexit is the prospect of unconventional policy change, in so far as it includes – amongst other options – ‘returning’ to prior conventions that were scaled up from the UK to the EU, and then returned to the UK through EU directives. To explore this, the paper divides UK equality legislation into three types: (a) that which was created in the UK (b) that which flows from membership of the European Union and (c) that which reflects an outgrowth of the two. The translation of this into social policy has typically taken a patchwork approach, including a discursive public function which addresses the rights of distinct groups as well as their modes of interaction. The scope and scale of existing equality approaches have therefore become central to the kinds of social and political citizenship achieved by Black and Minority Ethnic (BAME) Britons. While the dangers of Brexit rhetoric are apparent to see, we do not yet know how withdrawal from the EU revises (a), (b) or (c). The article makes a tentative attempt to shed light on these entanglements by focusing on public policies enacted to pursue race equality in particular.


2001 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Fehr ◽  
Bernd Huber ◽  
Thomas Kuhn

AbstractThis economic policy forum is assigned to the question “Does the European Union need a new financial order?” Hans Fehr considers the recent development of the budget of the EU and discusses a number of reform options for the future. He shows that during the 90ies there has been considerable success in consolidating the budget and reforming its structure. The future challenge will be twofold. On one side the UK correction has to be further reduced and finally eliminated, since there are a number of countries with similar budgetary imbalances. In addition, the intended eastern enlargement of the EU creates a stronger reform pressure for the EU expenditure programs. Fehr argues that since there will be no new financing sources available in the medium term, one can be optimistic that the EU will continue its budget consolidation strategy also in the future.Bernd Huber analyzes the financing mechanism of the European Union. After presenting the current financing system, the paper studies the potential for reform. He remarks that in principle, the EU can be financed by contributions of member states or by taxes assigned to the EU. In a system of contributions, contributions should be imposed according to member states' GDP. In the current state of integration, the EU can only impose indirect taxes. Huber argues that a contribution system dominates EU financing via taxes.Thomas Kuhn studies the existence of schemes for fiscal equalization among regions in the EU. He focusses on designing schemes for the distribution of EU funds, which simultaneously meet allocative and redistributive objectives, given institutional constraints. Using an axiomatic approach, Kuhn finds that an allocation scheme assuring for fiscal equity and incentive compatibility does not exist. This is explained by the lack of institutions providing a link between the distribution of funds and the regional incidence of EU revenue raising, calling for a remodeling of the existing fiscal institutions of the EU. Otherwise, the potential for equalization may be restricted to a large extent, especially in the frame of the upcoming East European Enlargement of the EU.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (17) ◽  
pp. 24
Author(s):  
Simon Lufi ◽  
Marsel Nilaj

The Kosovo War in the 1990s was one among a series of wars in the former Yugoslav federation. It was the final war that ended the dissolution which had started with Slovenia from1990 to 1991, Croatia and Bosnia - Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995 and the Kosovo War from 1998 to 1999. However, the Kosovo war happened during a different situation and period. It was at a time and in a position to cause the domino effect in the Balkans and an outbreak of wars in a large part of the Balkans. This fight could include Albania and Macedonia as nations with an ethnic Albanian population. It could also have a religious or cultural impact that threatened to involve other states such as Bosnia and Turkey on the one hand and Greece on the other. The interest of major countries in Europe, as well as the world, was focused on this war. A country among them was the UK. As one of the founding states of the European Union, United Nations, and NATO, the UK was quite involved in this war. The UK and the US were two countries that became the political and military leadership in this struggle since its beginning, while reaching a peak in 1999. This situation involved talks in the British Parliament in the UK, especially the House of Lords where the decision-making aspect of parliamentary politics is achieved. The war was also a major concern for the parliament. On the one hand, it was important to resolve the situation in Kosovo without worsening it with other massacres. On the other hand, this situation required caution in dealing with the Serbian people. The destiny of Kosovo refugees was important to them. However, the future of the Serbian people in Kosovo had to be guaranteed. The most important thing was to obtain full autonomy for Kosovo, but also to achieve a bilateral cooperation from both countries. The House of Lords and the interest of some lords in this war made the British policy, as a whole, a lot more responsible for accomplishing what it had started since diplomacy regarding weapons and the military intervention used to manage the situation of refugees in Kosovo had a huge impact in Europe. The British parliamentary sessions were very crucial in leading to an international level this whole historical phase for Kosovo.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Crafts ◽  
Emma Duchini ◽  
Roland Rathelot ◽  
Giulia Vattuone ◽  
David Chambers ◽  
...  

In 2008 there was an expectation of major reform to social and economic structures following the financial crisis. The European Union (EU) referendum of 2016, and the UK’s subsequent exit from the EU in 2020, was also signalled as a turning point that would bring about epochal change. Now, in the waning of the coronavirus pandemic, we are experiencing a similar rhetoric. There is widespread agreement that the pandemic will usher in big changes for the economy and society, with the potential for major policy reform. But what will be the long-term impacts of the pandemic on the UK economy? Is the right response a “new settlement” or is some alternative approach likely to be more beneficial? This report puts forward a new perspective on the pandemic-related changes that could be ahead. The central theme is assessing the viability of epochal reform in policymaking. There seems to be a relentless desire for making big changes; however, there is arguably not enough recognition of how current settings and history can hold back these efforts. Foreword by: Dame Frances Cairncross, CBE, FRSE.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document