Food and Fuel Administration

Author(s):  
David J. Bettez

After the United States joined the war, President Woodrow Wilson named Herbert Hoover as head of the US Food Administration, which was intended to promote food conservation and increase production. Hoover appointed Louisvillian Fred Sackett as federal food administrator for Kentucky. Sackett worked with various individuals and county councils of defense to carry out programs such as “meatless” and “wheatless” days. Housewives were encouraged to use substitutes for scarce food items; children were encouraged to grow school gardens. Sackett handled cases of noncompliance with policies that included having violators donate to the Red Cross–an example of the “voluntary coercion” that occurred during the war. The federal government also created a Fuel Administration, which was headed in Kentucky by Louisville businessman Wiley Bryan. Bryan encouraged people, businesses, and organizations to conserve fuel. He coordinated efforts to increase fuel production, primarily in the coal regions. He tried to ensure an equitable distribution of coal to homes during the shortage that occurred in the record-breaking cold winter of 1917-1918.

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Johannes Saurer ◽  
Jonas Monast

Abstract The Federal Republic of Germany and the United States (US) have adopted different models for energy federalism. Germany allocates more authority to the federal government and the US relies on a decentralized cooperative federalism model that preserves key roles for state actors. This article explores and compares the relevance of federal legal structures for renewable energy expansion in both countries. It sets out the constitutional, statutory, and factual foundations in both Germany and the US, and explores the legal and empirical dimensions of renewable energy expansion at the federal and state levels. The article concludes by drawing several comparative lessons about the significance of federal structures for energy transition processes.


Subject Asylum-seekers and Canada. Significance After an uptick in asylum claims in recent months, including via the United States, asylum policy is likely to feature more heavily in Canadian state and federal politics. Impacts New migrant flows to Canada will likely be triggered as the US government reduces its grants of Temporary Protected Status. Quebec’s government will face off against the Ottawa federal government over responsibility for new migrant arrivals. Ottawa and Washington will likely eventually update the Safe Third Country Agreement, but this could require bargaining. Canada may invest more in border policing and associated technologies.


1991 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-339 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ira Katznelson ◽  
Bruce Pietrykowski

From the vantage point of a critical moment in the history of statebuilding in the United States, we wish to take a fresh look at questions about the resources and wherewithal of the national state. Within modern American political science, a focus on state capacity is at least as old as the landmark essay by Woodrow Wilson on “The Study of Administration” and as current as the important scholarly impulse that has revived interest in the state at a time of struggle about the size and span of the federal government. The dominant motif of these various accounts of American statebuilding has been a concern with organizational assets, which usually are assayed by their placement on a linear scale of strength and weakness.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 343-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lindsay Livingston

This article examines the racial dynamics and performative nature of US gun culture by analyzing the 2014 standoff between Cliven Bundy and the Bureau of Land Management. The standoff followed discernible scripts of white masculine privilege and drew on scenarios of conquest in the US American West, as Bundy’s supporters gathered at his ranch and brandished their weapons in open defiance of the federal government. The act of brandishing their guns was a ‘performance of belonging’, a public, theatrical gesture that marks the bearer as a full participant in civic life and all its attendant rights and privileges. This belonging, however, is predicated on histories of white supremacist laws and settler colonialist violence. By reading gun culture in the United States through the lens of performance, this article traces the profound discrepancies between legal and practical gun rights and illuminates one of the most intractable debates at the center of US American life.


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 548-549
Author(s):  
Eugenia Costanza Laurenza

On 13 August 2013, the Government of Indonesia requested a special meeting of the WTO Dispute Settlement Body (hereinafter, DSB) in order to obtain authorisation to suspend concessions or other obligations (i.e., to ‘retaliate’) against the United States (hereinafter, the US). This request stems from the US alleged failure to comply with the rulings and recommendations of the WTO DSB in the dispute US – Measures Affecting the Production and Sale of Clove Cigarettes (hereinafter, US – Clove Cigarettes). In that dispute, the WTO dispute settlement organs found that Section 907(a)(1)(A) of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act (hereinafter, the FFDCA), introduced by Section 101(b) of the Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act discriminated against Indonesian clove cigarettes in favour of ‘like’ domestic menthol cigarettes, in a manner which was inconsistent with, inter alia, Article 2.1 of the WTO Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (hereinafter, TBT Agreement). The DSB recommended that the US bring its legislation relating to the ban on flavoured cigarettes into conformity with its obligations under the WTO. On 22 August 2013, the US objected to the level of suspension of concessions proposed by Indonesia and requested that the matter be referred to arbitration. Following such request from the US, the DSB agreed that the matter be referred to arbitration and informed WTO Members that arbitration would be carried out by the original panel.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 462-471
Author(s):  
Wassim Daghrir

Should the United States’ global mission be to make the world “safe for democracy”, as Woodrow Wilson said, or, in the words of John Quincy Adams, should the US be “the well-wisher of freedom and independence of all” but the “champion and vindicator only of our own”? The debate between Idealists and Realists in US foreign policy has been going on forever. Idealists hold that the US should make its internal political philosophy, namely Democracy, the goal of its foreign policy. Realists, on the other hand, esteem that the US foreign policy should be mainly oriented towards the protection and enhancement of “the National Interest”. My line of reasoning is that the balance has always shifted towards Realism and, occasionally, aggressive Realism. U.S. interventions in Latin America offer telling case studies. They have taken the shape of a mixture of overt and covert interventions in conjunction with the significant political, economic and military pressures. Washington’s efforts to check hostile developments in the Americas necessitated the investment of considerable tax-dollars, political capital, and even American lives. To accomplish its political, strategic, and economic objectives in the area, the U.S. has devoted extensive human and material resources. The strategy to follow might differ depending on each country’s specificity or on the reactions of the U.S. Congress and public opinion. The big lines, however, remain unaffected, as we will try to find out through our study of the U.S. interventions in El Salvador.


F1000Research ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 772
Author(s):  
Philip Jacobs ◽  
Arvi P. Ohinmaa

The United States federal government developed a COVID-19 blueprint for states to follow; it included the issuance by state/local governments of “stay at home” orders coupled with lists of essential services. Suppliers of these services would be exempt from closure so their workers could fulfill their essential functions. The blueprint was embraced by the states in a variety of ways.  In this paper, we identify how business closure rules were enacted across the states for each of 15 types of services. The outcome measures were: “open” “open with restrictions” and “closure”. For six business types, most states permitted businesses to open.  In four types, businesses were mainly closed. In three, they were allowed to open with restrictions.  In the rest, there was a mixture of outcomes.  In sum, the federal blueprint resulted in a regulatory patchwork as it spread throughout the country.


Author(s):  
Olavi Arens

The following paper deals with US policy toward the Baltic states at two different time periods (1918–20 and 1989–91) and by two very different presidents (Woodrow F. Wilson and George H. W. Bush). The first period represented the time that saw the emergence of the United States on the world stage. Woodrow Wilson seemingly advocated self-determination as was understood by a number of his advisers at the Peace Conference, but eventually decided to support the unity of Russia as part of an anti-Bolshevik policy. During the second period, George H. W. Bush negotiated a settlement to end another conflict, the Cold War. While self-determination of the Baltic states (on the basis of the US non-recognition policy) was not of prime importance for the US, it nevertheless was brought up at very summit meeting with Mikhail Gorbachev and came to be linked to the resolution of economic issues between the two major powers. Ultimately the restoration of independence was decided by developments in the Soviet Union, but US policy made the Baltic question an international issue and helped resolve it peacefully.


2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 29-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Haake

This article seeks to explain the nature of the arguments the Iroquois presented to the US government in trying to prevent their removal. In the letters they wrote to the federal government from the 1830s to the 1850s they emphasized their own law as well as that of the United States. They drew on whatever perception of law they deemed was best suited to address the problems they were facing. The process by which they composed these letters, the discussions surrounding them, and the compromises they reached over their content can also explain why the Iroquois appealed to several kinds of law.


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