Almond Takes Command

Author(s):  
Michael E. Lynch

Almond committed himself fully to any task, and such dedication would guide him through his next challenge: training and commanding black troops. No white officer sought this task, but having received the mission, Almond threw himself into it. Almond assumed command of the 92nd Infantry Division, an African American unit. Almond’s previous performance marked him as a successful officer and gave him the opportunity to command at division level. General Marshall had recognized that commanders of black troops must be selected with even greater care than others, and Almond believed he possessed the “knack” that Marshall required for such duty. The Army General Classification Test revealed that black soldiers had suffered from poor pre-war education, and this affected the division’s performance in combat. The problems caused by racially segregating units had started to become apparent to the white Army leadership and would become more so as the units progressed through training.

2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 1131-1154 ◽  
Author(s):  
SIMON TOPPING

This article will examine the ways in which the people of Northern Ireland and African American troops stationed there during the Second World War reacted to each other. It will also consider the effect of institutional racism in the American military on this relationship, concluding that, for the most part, the population welcomed black soldiers and refused to endorse American racial attitudes or enforce Jim Crow segregation. This piece argues that, bearing in mind the latent racism of the time, the response of the Northern Irish to African Americans was essentially colour-blind, and this was true in both the Protestant and Catholic communities.


Author(s):  
Robert F. Jefferson

The history of the African American military experience in World War II tends to revolve around two central questions: How did World War II and American racism shape the black experience in the American military? And how did black GIs reshape the parameters of their wartime experiences? From the mid-1920s through the Great Depression years of the 1930s, military planners evaluated the performance of black soldiers in World War I while trying to ascertain their presence in future wars. However, quite often their discussions about African American servicemen in the military establishment were deeply moored in the traditions, customs, and practices of American racism, racist stereotypes, and innuendo. Simultaneously, African American leaders and their allies waged a relentless battle to secure the future presence of the uniformed men and women who would serve in the nation’s military. Through their exercise of voting rights, threats of protest demonstration, litigation, and White House lobbying from 1939 through 1942, civil rights advocates and their affiliates managed to obtain some minor concessions from the military establishment. But the military’s stubborn adherence to a policy barring black and white soldiers from serving in the same units continued through the rest of the war. Between 1943 and 1945, black GIs faced white officer hostility, civilian antagonism, and military police brutality while undergoing military training throughout the country. Similarly, African American servicewomen faced systemic racism and sexism in the military during the period. Throughout various stages of the American war effort, black civil rights groups, the press, and their allies mounted the opening salvoes in the battle to protect and defend the wellbeing of black soldiers in uniform. While serving on the battlefields of World War II, fighting African American GIs became foot soldiers in the wider struggles against tyranny abroad. After returning home in 1945, black World War II-era activists such as Daisy Lampkin and Ruby Hurley, and ex-servicemen and women, laid the groundwork for the Civil Rights Movement.


Author(s):  
Tuire Valkeakari

The introduction articulates this book’s four main arguments. First, as the selected novelists reimagine the lives of uprooted groups and individuals in various stages and settings of black history, they actively contribute to the ongoing transnational formation of black diasporic identity. Second, these novelists frequently evoke (some quite subtly) slavery and colonial modernity. Their allusions to the Middle Passage and enslavement speak to the choices that they make while participating in the continuing construction of black diasporic identity—regardless of whether they belong to the civil-rights generation of African American novelists or to the cultural-nationalist generation of Caribbean authors or to a later generation of contemporary transnational British, Canadian, American, and Caribbean writers. Third, as this book’s chapter on black soldiers’ wartime experiences abroad demonstrates, much can be gained through a dually focused thematic approach that both examines black novelists’ representations of diaspora and explores their depictions of more temporarily and loosely understood experiences of displacement or dislocation. Fourth, the novels discussed in this book portray a “diasporic double consciousness.” This term refers to the dislocated/relocated protagonists’ sense of not belonging and their simultaneous yearning to experience fulfilling human connection and communion in a place they could call “home.”


2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 605-637 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Höhn

This special edition of Central European History is concerned with how America viewed Germany, and my contribution focuses on how, beginning with Hitler's rise to power, Germany became a point of reference for the emerging American civil-rights movement. By looking at Crisis, published by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), and Opportunity, published by the National Urban League, as well as African-American newspapers, such as the Pittsburgh Courier, Chicago Defender, Amsterdam News, Afro-American, Negro Digest, Ebony, and Jet, I will show how the black community discussed developments in Germany, America's struggle against Nazi racism, and the black soldiers' experience in postwar Germany.


2020 ◽  
pp. 105-148
Author(s):  
Kori A. Graves

In the immediate aftermath of the Korean War, African American soldiers’ families became a significant pool of adoptive families for Korean black children. Although child welfare officials had considered military families less than ideal adopters, black soldiers’ families enjoyed economic and social benefits that set them apart from many African American non-military families interested in adopting. A soldier’s affiliation with the military allowed some to conform to the gender conventions that appealed to child welfare officials. While a military salary could be meager, soldiers’ access to benefits like base housing and the Post Exchange made it possible for some to function as primary breadwinners and their wives to devote themselves to caregiving. Child welfare officials with organizations including International Social Service devised efforts to increase adoptions of Korean black children by African American soldiers’ families, and especially the families stationed in Japan. These efforts evolved as US military and political officials, Korean political officials, and representatives of sectarian and nonsectarian aid agencies, attempted to devise strategies to care for Korea’s mixed-race children.


2003 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 335
Author(s):  
Bobby L. Lovett ◽  
John David Smith

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document