People Used To Die Every Day

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-22
Author(s):  
Chad Baker ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Law ◽  

If sleep, and the dreams that come with them, were no longer required, would you still do it? Would humanity be different if we didn’t have the time to imagine what might be? Would you break the law to support the dream habits of your partner? In this work of philosophical short story fiction, Peter finds out his partner Samir has been sneaking around behind his back to “try out dreaming.” According to Samir, he likes the way sleeping, and dreaming, makes him feel. And besides, he argues, it doesn’t do any harm; his work will never find out. Peter decides to break the law in support of their relationship and to stop taking the drug that makes sleep and dreams unnecessary, in order to better understand his partner. However, after a nightmare, Peter decides that sleep and dreaming isn’t for him and the government is right.

2017 ◽  
pp. 193-220
Author(s):  
Rajesh Chakrabarti ◽  
Kaushiki Sanyal

This chapter captures the almost feverish events leading up to the Criminal Laws (amendment) Act 2013. It starts with the tragic rape of 16 December 2012, and describes the way a local student-led protest rapidly snowballed into a headline-grabbing movement. It attempts to piece together how the word and the passion spread like wildfire throughout the capital, largely through social media. Within days the government announced several women’s safety measures in the capital and constituted a 3-member committee to look into changing the law. The chapter then summarizes the anti-rape movement in India over the years to provide the background for the tumultuous public outburst, as well as the evolution of the law before resuming the narrative on the working of the Verma committee and the speedy sailing of the legislation through parliament. The movement fits primarily the punctuated equilibrium driven by a ‘trigger’ event.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
Bryan Starchman ◽  

What is fair and equitable justice? Is the point of justice to deter crime, to punish those that commit crime, or to educate criminals so they can integrate successfully back into society? In this work of philosophical short story fiction, the country has chosen to adopt the “Law Of Vindication.” If a drunk driver hits and kills someone with their car, their punishment is to be hit and killed with a car. The same reciprocal punishments exist for all serious crimes. Furthermore, it is a crime to not assist the government, when necessary, in providing the reciprocal punishment. The parents of a murdered child MUST murder the child of their killer. In this story, the narrator is in an unhappy marriage and decides his best chance of getting away with killing his wife is to kill his neighbor’s wife and wait for the law of retribution to require that his wife be killed as punishment. Of course, things don’t go quite as planned, and the law is interpreted differently than he expects.


2015 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 307
Author(s):  
William Steel

In November 2013, after a series of Law Commission reports and years of academic, professional and judicial discussion, the Government introduced legislation to Parliament to replace the existing High Court commercial list with a specialist commercial panel. Whilst this panel would bring New Zealand into line with many comparable common law jurisdictions, this article argues that the case for specialisation has not been established. In particular, it notes that there is no publically available evidence to support the claim that the High Court is losing its commercial jurisdiction, or that commercial parties are choosing to resolve their disputes offshore or through alternative dispute resolution. Accordingly, this article argues that future research by the Law Commission, or other research agency, is required before specialisation can be justified. In reaching this conclusion, it also examines the issues that may arise if the Government decides to continue with its proposed reform under cl 18 of the Judicature Modernisation Bill 2013, suggesting changes along the way.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 165-180
Author(s):  
Munazza Hayat ◽  
Naeem Badshah ◽  
Dost Muhammad

The era of the Abbasid Caliphate (750 -1258AD) is a period of cultural rise of Muslims. Although the Abbasid Caliphate was less extensive than the Umayyad Caliphate, the Abbasid Caliphate was still the largest political entity in the world. In this era the five independent governments of Subcontinent, are particularly noteworthy: 1. Daulat Mahaniya Sanjan (Subcontinent) 2. Habariya, Mansura (Sindh) 3. Daulat Samia Multan (Punjab) 4. Makran 5. Turan.In addition to these five permanent governments, some of them were permanent rulers who belonged directly to the Caliph of Baghdad. But their status was no more than that of big landowners and feudal lords. The article aims to analyze Muslim and non-Muslim relations, during the Abbasid’s rule in Subcontinent in historical context. During this era the government did not intervene in the people’s affairs. Any disputes or problems relating to the law were referred to the judge but this Islamic rule was only restricted to the Muslims. The non-Muslims were not bound to follow it. Every place had its own local meeting which would deal with any case according to its own rules and customs. Hence, they could design and implement their own law. In short the Muslim ruling period of Sub-continent provides a practical base in the way of Muslim, non- Muslim relation in present age.


1970 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. H. Mungeam

This paper attempts to study the contrasting responses of two Kenya tribes, the Masai and the Kikuyu, to the establishment of British administration. It suggests that neither reacted in the way expected of them by early British officials, who anticipated that the Masai would forcefully oppose the British entry, while little or no resistance was expected from the Kikuyu.Instead, the Masai actively co-operated with the British, through the support of a laibon, Lenana, and the provision of levies who accompanied British punitive expeditions. Although twice removed from their lands, the Masai still did not fight, but appealed to the law courts. When this failed, they showed little or no interest in further opposition. Although apparently having some cause to resent treatment received at the hands of the British, they showed virtually no interest in the protest movements of the twenties.By contrast the Kikuyu, far from standing aside as had been expected, opposed the British entry in a series of short engagements, in which they suffered considerable casualties. Soon, however, collaborators began to emerge and ‘chiefs’ such as Kinyanjui—created by the British and beholden to them–benefited considerably from the connexion. Despite this co-operation, the earlier resentments continued and were reinforced by losses of land to European settlers, and by the unsettling effects upon tribal life of the proximity of Nairobi and the teaching of the missions. When, after the acute sufferings of the war years, further demands were made by the government, the Kikuyu responded by active participation in organized political protest.Possible reasons are put forward for these contrasting responses, and the suggestion is made that differing attitudes to the protest movements of the twenties can be more fully appreciated when the history of these earlier years is taken into account.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
William Steel

<p>In November 2013, after a series of Law Commission reports and years of academic, professional and judicial discussion, the government introduced legislation to Parliament to replace the existing High Court commercial list with a specialist commercial panel. Whilst this panel would bring New Zealand into line with many comparable common law jurisdictions, this paper argues that the case for specialisation has not been established. In particular, it notes that there is no publically available evidence to support the claim that the High Court is losing its commercial jurisdiction, or that commercial parties are choosing to resolve their disputes offshore or through alternative dispute resolution. Accordingly, this paper argues that future research by the Law Commission, or other research agency, is required before specialisation can be justified. In reaching this conclusion it also examines the issues that may arise if the government decides to continue with its proposed reform under clause 18 of the Judicature Modernisation Bill 2013, suggesting changes along the way.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
William Steel

<p>In November 2013, after a series of Law Commission reports and years of academic, professional and judicial discussion, the government introduced legislation to Parliament to replace the existing High Court commercial list with a specialist commercial panel. Whilst this panel would bring New Zealand into line with many comparable common law jurisdictions, this paper argues that the case for specialisation has not been established. In particular, it notes that there is no publically available evidence to support the claim that the High Court is losing its commercial jurisdiction, or that commercial parties are choosing to resolve their disputes offshore or through alternative dispute resolution. Accordingly, this paper argues that future research by the Law Commission, or other research agency, is required before specialisation can be justified. In reaching this conclusion it also examines the issues that may arise if the government decides to continue with its proposed reform under clause 18 of the Judicature Modernisation Bill 2013, suggesting changes along the way.</p>


1972 ◽  
Vol 18 (70) ◽  
pp. 207-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aidan Clarke

Thirty years ago, in a magisterial study of the early operation of Poynings’ Law, Professor R. Dudley Edwards and Professor T.W. Moody noted that ‘the primary dividing-line in the history of the law falls between the parliaments of 1613–15 and 1634–5’. Previously, they showed, it had curtailed the Irish executive and enjoyed the approval of the Irish parliament; only subsequently, they argued, was it used as a means of enabling the government to control parliament. The purpose of the present study is to develop that argument by examining both the way in which Lord Deputy Wentworth took advantage of altered circumstances to reierse the statute’s function in 1634–5 and the way in which members of the Irish parliament unsuccessfully campaigned to restore the traditional interpretation of its provisions in 1640–41.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-112
Author(s):  
Jacek Zieliński

A safe state is a well and clearly organized state. A state in which all citizens are guaranteed a stable existence and have a sense of confidence in their own development. Achieving this status is conditioned by legal provisions, which are the basic instrument for regulating and determining the desired social relations. The key role belongs to the functioning of the lower-level administration, which – as the author claims – cannot be blamed for the way the law is applied, within which limits and in which it is to operate. The use (lawmaking) of the law depends on the political parties sitting in parliament and creating the composition of the executive (the government comes from parliament), and their representation (members of parliament) – on our civic involvement in the election.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (12) ◽  
pp. 19-25
Author(s):  
Ty Lazar ◽  

How do you know if the government-imposed limits on personal freedom “for your protection” have gone too far? Are there certain risks the government shouldn’t protect people from? In this work of philosophical short story fiction, Zoe gets a knock on her door from the Department of Public Health. They have detected increased biochemical signatures that lead them to believe she has been having sexual intercourse without a properly filed Intimate Partnership Agreement (IPA). The IPA’s are for her protection to ensure that any potential partners are disease free. Initially, she denies the accusations, but the evidence from her Livewell stream is overwhelming. This time, it’s just a fine, but if it happens again the punishments will get more severe, all the way up to having points deducted from her social confidence rating. The government employees leave and Zoe heads back into the bedroom to find her one-night stand has committed suicide.


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