Masai and Kikuyu Responses to the Establishment of British Administration in the East Africa Protectorate

1970 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. H. Mungeam

This paper attempts to study the contrasting responses of two Kenya tribes, the Masai and the Kikuyu, to the establishment of British administration. It suggests that neither reacted in the way expected of them by early British officials, who anticipated that the Masai would forcefully oppose the British entry, while little or no resistance was expected from the Kikuyu.Instead, the Masai actively co-operated with the British, through the support of a laibon, Lenana, and the provision of levies who accompanied British punitive expeditions. Although twice removed from their lands, the Masai still did not fight, but appealed to the law courts. When this failed, they showed little or no interest in further opposition. Although apparently having some cause to resent treatment received at the hands of the British, they showed virtually no interest in the protest movements of the twenties.By contrast the Kikuyu, far from standing aside as had been expected, opposed the British entry in a series of short engagements, in which they suffered considerable casualties. Soon, however, collaborators began to emerge and ‘chiefs’ such as Kinyanjui—created by the British and beholden to them–benefited considerably from the connexion. Despite this co-operation, the earlier resentments continued and were reinforced by losses of land to European settlers, and by the unsettling effects upon tribal life of the proximity of Nairobi and the teaching of the missions. When, after the acute sufferings of the war years, further demands were made by the government, the Kikuyu responded by active participation in organized political protest.Possible reasons are put forward for these contrasting responses, and the suggestion is made that differing attitudes to the protest movements of the twenties can be more fully appreciated when the history of these earlier years is taken into account.

1972 ◽  
Vol 18 (70) ◽  
pp. 207-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aidan Clarke

Thirty years ago, in a magisterial study of the early operation of Poynings’ Law, Professor R. Dudley Edwards and Professor T.W. Moody noted that ‘the primary dividing-line in the history of the law falls between the parliaments of 1613–15 and 1634–5’. Previously, they showed, it had curtailed the Irish executive and enjoyed the approval of the Irish parliament; only subsequently, they argued, was it used as a means of enabling the government to control parliament. The purpose of the present study is to develop that argument by examining both the way in which Lord Deputy Wentworth took advantage of altered circumstances to reierse the statute’s function in 1634–5 and the way in which members of the Irish parliament unsuccessfully campaigned to restore the traditional interpretation of its provisions in 1640–41.


1969 ◽  
pp. 848 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin L. Berger

The author explores various theoretical approaches to the defence of necessity, rejecting both excusatory conceptions of the defence and those based on the notion of moral involuntariness. Rather, the author argues that necessity is properly understood as a justificatory defence based on a lack of moral blameworthiness. After extensively surveying the history of the defence in Canadian law, the author critiques the way in which the Supreme Court of Canada has restricted the defence. He contrasts the current Canadian approach with the treatment of the defence in other jurisdictions and concludes that Canadian law would be served best by a robust defence of necessity, which would acknowledge that, in some circumstances, pursuit of a value of greater worth than the value of adherence to the law can be justified.


2010 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
TAYLOR C. SHERMAN

AbstractWhilst the history of the Indian diaspora after independence has been the subject of much scholarly attention, very little is known about non-Indian migrants in India. This paper traces the fate of Arabs, Afghans and other Muslim migrants after the forcible integration of the princely state of Hyderabad into the Indian Union in 1948. Because these non-Indian Muslims were doubly marked as outsiders by virtue of their foreign birth and their religious affiliation, the government of India wished to deport these men and their families. But the attempt to repatriate these people floundered on both political and legal shoals. In the process, many were left legally stateless. Nonetheless, migrants were able to creatively change the way they self-identified both to circumvent immigration controls and to secure greater privileges within India.


2017 ◽  
pp. 193-220
Author(s):  
Rajesh Chakrabarti ◽  
Kaushiki Sanyal

This chapter captures the almost feverish events leading up to the Criminal Laws (amendment) Act 2013. It starts with the tragic rape of 16 December 2012, and describes the way a local student-led protest rapidly snowballed into a headline-grabbing movement. It attempts to piece together how the word and the passion spread like wildfire throughout the capital, largely through social media. Within days the government announced several women’s safety measures in the capital and constituted a 3-member committee to look into changing the law. The chapter then summarizes the anti-rape movement in India over the years to provide the background for the tumultuous public outburst, as well as the evolution of the law before resuming the narrative on the working of the Verma committee and the speedy sailing of the legislation through parliament. The movement fits primarily the punctuated equilibrium driven by a ‘trigger’ event.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janjira Sombatpoonsiri

Street interactions between the police and protesters can serve as a barometer of state–society conflict. This article seeks to examine the way in which the police respond to anti-government protests, and how these responses influence the politics of legitimacy at stake. Through the examination of protest policing in Thailand’s decade-long political conflicts, which reached the zenith in 2013–2014, I will show that police responses to these protests were a mixture of three approaches: accommodative, restrictive and hands-off. At least four factors influenced the interplay of these methods: (i) the police’s tactical improvement, which however faces structural challenges; (ii) a history of police politicization; (iii) extreme characteristics of the protests; and (iv) the nature of conflict over governmental legitimacy contributing to public mistrust in the police. The Thai case illustrates that handling anti-government protests necessitates political sensitivity and creativity. Otherwise, the government and especially the police can run the risk of further damaging public trust and institutional legitimacy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 08014
Author(s):  
Go Lisanawati ◽  
Njoto Benarkah ◽  
Yoan Nursari Simanjuntak

As it is believed by the International and national society, the active participation of professions (including legal professions) is urgent and significant in anti-money laundering prevention. The International society has been put professions as reporting party since it has been identified as gatekeeper through their profession. One of the important construction has been developed in order to bridging the problems that appears in the dicussion of this role. The debatable discussion related with the code of conduct of the professions versus the of anti-money laundering mandate as the reporting party’s responsibility. Actually, the problem is also related with the content of the reports. Some sources as mentioned in the Law of Anti Money Laundering, Government Regulation and Head of INTRAC ‘s regulation shall be elaborated. As it is designed in the law and regulations on anti-money laundering, it should be active participation of the legal professions and other professions as mentioned in the Government Regulation Number 43 of 2015. To comply with this requirement, it needs self-awareness of the legal professions to do reporting once they meet the requirements.


1978 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clive Emsley

As the likelihood of war with revolutionary France grew at the end of 1792 and beginning of 1793, the pro-government press in England reported that a serious plan for an insurrection, scheduled for the first weekend in December 1792, had been nipped in the bud by the authorities. On December 3 The Times stated that, as it had not wished to create alarm, it had not previously mentioned the full facts of the seditious attempts being made in the country. These attempts, the newspaper maintained, had prompted almost daily meetings of the Cabinet climaxing in a meeting at Lord Grenville's house which had lasted until one a.m. on the preceding Saturday morning (December 1). It was from this meeting that the Cabinet had issued the royal proclamation which embodied part of the militia and which deplored the ineffectiveness of the May 1792 proclamation against seditious meetings and writings. Three weeks later, beneath the headline “Revolution Plans,” the World reported that two parties were involved in the projected insurrection: the “moderates” who sought first the destruction of the House of Lords, the Herald's Office, and the Horse Guards, and then the enlarging of the Commons; and those whose plans were “more extensive” and who would have gone on to destroy St. James's Palace, the Bank, the law courts, the prisons, the customs house, and excise office. A month later, under the headline “Project of an Insurrection,” the London Chronicle gave similar details of a plot “to overturn the government and the constitution of this country.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (10) ◽  
pp. 350-363
Author(s):  
Novi Herianto ◽  
M. Nakir

Article 30 of the 1945 Constitution is the basis for the formulation and drafting of Law No.3 / 2002 on national defense. In article 30, it is stipulated that national defense and security efforts are carried out through the system of defense and security of the total people by the Indonesian National Army and the Indonesian National Police, as the main force, and the people, as the supporting force. This system of defense and security for the people of the universe is then manifested in Law No.20 / 1982 concerning the main provisions of national defense. However, when the TAP MPR Number VI and Number VII was issued regarding the Separation of the Police from ABRI. The government is drafting a new Defense Law that is aligned to separate Defense and security that is adaptive to these changes. The defense is compiled and formulated and then translated into Law no. 3/2002, however, the Law on Security was not immediately realized, instead Law No.2 / 2002 concerning the Indonesian National Police. Until now, the Law on Security does not exist and has not been materialized. As a result, there is a gap between legislation in the defense sector and legislation in the security sector. Some of the mandates of Law No.3 / 2002 can then be translated into Laws, Government Regulations, Presidential decrees instead other legislation products to support national defense.  The lack of this security aspect of course affects the defense and security system which was previously manifested as a comprehensive unit which is of course adjusted to the history of the nation itself. In addition to defense duties which are military in nature, there are tasks in the field of military Nir which all fall into the category of security aspects. As long as there are no regulations governing Security, the Defense and Security System mandated in the 1945 constitution will never materialize.    


2011 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-242
Author(s):  
UTA HINZ

The year 2008 marked the fortieth anniversary of the great revolts of 1968. As always, the occasion gave rise to impassioned debates. In Germany they were stimulated by the historian and 1968 veteran Götz Aly, who compared the ‘sixty-eight’ to the ‘thirty-three’ generations (the Nazi student body of the early 1930s), and postulated ‘parallels in German history’, continuities and ‘similarities in the approach to mobilisation, political utopianism and the anti-bourgeois impulse’. Following the thirtieth anniversary in 1998, which triggered a flood of scholarly publications, we have had ten further years of research into the recent history of the 1960s, up to the fortieth anniversary in 2008. In 1998, the central question was still to remove the 1960s protest movements from the realm of myth and to establish the ‘year of protest’ (i.e. 1968) itself as a subject for historical research. Since 1998, the aims of international research have been to develop a global comparative analysis of the movements and to contextualise them historically. Particular attention has been devoted to locating political protest movements in the overall process of socio-cultural transformation through the ‘long 1960s’.


1995 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 843-873 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lois G. Schwoerer

ABSTRACTGenerally dismissed by historians as just an hysterical gesture by parliamentary whig leaders disappointed and angered over the failure of the second Exclusion Bill, the attempted impeachment in 1680–1 of Sir William Scroggs was in fact a complicated and important affair. Although a failure in legal terms (because King Charles dissolved two parliaments), it succeeded in political terms when the king dismissed Scroggs. A propaganda ploy to embarrass the duke of York and also the king of England, re-unite the whig party, and re-ignite anti-popery fervour to promote another try at Exclusion (contrary to recent revisionism), the proceedings provoked discussion of many central issues, but most importantly of the legislative authority of parliament, or control of the law; the affair provoked a ‘crisis of authority’. Print culture played an unprecedented role: four of the eight articles of impeachment against Scroggs were connected with the press. Press people, in effect, brought down a chief minister of the crown and severely embarrassed the government, an event of signal importance in the history of the press.


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