The Religious and Moral Foundations of Civil Society and Free Market Economy

2001 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Gaylen J. Byker ◽  

This essay proposes that a healthy civil society and a fair and effective free market economy constitute the bases of a well-functioning democratic polity. For civil society and free market economy to function well requires citizens with good moral character. Religious beliefs and practices provide the best foundation for the development and maintenance of the moral norms, virtues, motivations, tendencies, and habits essential for open, pluralistic, liberal societies. Yet liberalism has effectively undermined religious claims to the public domains of freedom and the goals of society. The separation of church and state was extended to an even deeper separation of secular, public thought, from religious thought and influence. This has contributed to the weakening of families, churches, schools, and communities, and their interest in and ability to train virtuous and responsible citizens, which a free society needs to sustain itself.

2006 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-64
Author(s):  
Pierre Bessard

Abstract Current systems of taxation imply that governments have a prior claim on the fruits of a person's labor. Such a notion is fundamentally immoral and can never be just, despite governments’ claims to the contrary. Since most government spending has been shown inefficient, there cannot be any rationalization of taxation on the grounds of raising government revenue at arbitrary levels, either. Any tax policy based on the concept of justice should seek to minimize the tax burden by discontinuing most government activities, reinforcing civil society and the free market economy.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 210-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lea Prijon

AbstractAt the beginning of nineties, countries from so-called communist block had experienced transformation process from socialist regime to a democratic one, and transformation from centrally planned economy into a free market economy. Many countries had gone through process of transition, but it had different results and effects on individual countries and societies. The success of transition is strongly linked with country’s history and cultural bases; it depends on country’s openness to specific reforms and on the approach of transition (shock therapy or gradualism). Slovenia was initially seen as a country with the best starting position at the beginning of transition, compared to other countries that went through the same process. However, today Slovenia is facing problems regarding economic system, political system, civil society etc. Today’s situation in Slovenia seems to be much worse than it is in some other transition countries with worse starting position. The purpose of the article will be to examine Slovenian transition compared to other countries and detaching factors that disabled its full development.


Author(s):  
Anthony O’Hear

Conservatism is an approach to human affairs which mistrusts both a priori reasoning and revolution, preferring to put its trust in experience and in the gradual improvement of tried and tested arrangements. As a conscious statement of position, it dates from the reaction of Burke and de Maistre to the Enlightenment and Revolutionary thought and practices in the eighteenth century. Its roots, however, go far deeper. From Plato, conservatives derive a sense of the complexity and danger of human nature, although they reject emphatically his belief in the desirability of philosophical governance. From Aristotle, conservatives derive their sense of the need for practical experience in judging both moral and political matters, and their understanding of the role of tradition in inculcating habits of virtue and wisdom in the young. Against Plato, conservatives prefer the limited government advocated by Hobbes, because of their belief in the ignorance and corruptibility of rulers, and because of their wish to encourage the self-reliance of subjects. They do, however, reject any conception of a social contract. In this, they follow de Maistre, who argued that creatures with the institutions and reactions necessary to form a social contract will already be in a society and hence have no need of such a thing. While de Maistre emphasized the terror underlying political power, more characteristic of modern Anglo-Saxon conservatism is the position of Burke. For Burke, a good constitution is one adorned with ’pleasing illusions’ to make ’power gentle and obedience liberal’. It is also one which dissipates power in a society through autonomous institutions independent of the state. For both these reasons the communist regimes of eastern Europe could not be defended by conservatives, even though for a time they represented a form of social order. While conservatism is not antithetical to the free market, and while the market embodies virtues the conservative will approve of, for the conservative the market needs to be supplemented by the morality, the institutions and the authority necessary to sustain it. Human beings are by nature political, and also inevitably derive their identity from the society to which they belong. Our sense of self is established through our family relationships and also through the wider recognition and apportionment of roles we achieve in the public world beyond the family. According to Hegel, who since Aristotle has written most profoundly on the interplay of the private and the public in human life, both family and the public world of civil society need to be sustained through the authority of the state. On the other hand, the distinctions between family, civil society and the state need to be maintained against the characteristically modern tendency to treat them collectively. In his insistence both on authority and on the checks and balances needed in a good society, Hegel may be said to be the most articulate and systematic of conservative thinkers. Conservatism has been much criticized for its tendency towards complacency and to accept the status quo even when it is unacceptable. However, in its stress on the imperfectibility of human nature and on the dangers of wholesale revolution, it may be said to be more realistic than its opponents. Conservatives can also be quite content with the claim that societies animated by conservative political structures have been more successful morally and materially than socialist or liberal societies. This claim they believe to be true, and it is a fundamental aspect of their position that the dispute between them and their opponents is, at bottom, an empirical one.


Author(s):  
Julio H. Cole

Milton Friedman, who died in the early morning of November 16, 2006, was a world-famous economist, and an ardent and effective advocate of the free market economy. Much of his celebrity derived from his role as public intellectual, an aspect of his work that was reflected largely in popular books, such as Capitalism and Freedom (1962) and the hugely successful Free to Choose (1980) -both co-authored with his wife, Rose (and the latter based on the television documentary of the same title)- and in the Newsweek opinion columns he wrote for many years. Though he was already well-known by the time he received the Nobel Prize in Economics, in 1976, both his stature as public figure and his effectiveness as policy advocate were greatly enhanced by that award, and this is what has been mostly stressed in the vast outpouring of obituaries and public testimonials prompted by his recent passing. It is important to recall, however, that there was another aspect of his career, one which most professional economists (and probably Friedman himself) would regard as far more important than his incursions in the policy arena. Indeed, even if "Friedman the public intellectual" had never existed, "Friedman the economic scientist" would still be renowned and respected (though perhaps not as a bona fide world-class celebrity), and his memory will live long in the lore of economics It is primarily this other aspect of his life and work that I wish to focus on in this essay.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Tomasz Stępniewski

The present paper discusses the following research questions: to what extent did errors made by the previous presidents of Ukraine result in the country’s failure to introduce systemic reforms (e.g. combating corruption, the development of a foundation for a stable state under the rule of law and free-market economy)?; can it be ventured that the lack of radical reforms along with errors in the internal politics of Ukraine under Petro Poroshenko resulted in the president’s failure?; will the strong vote of confidence given to Volodymyr Zelensky and the Servant of the People party exact systemic reforms in Ukraine?; or will Volodymyr Zelensky merely become an element of the oligarchic political system in Ukraine?


Wacana Publik ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Syamsul Ma'arif

After had being carried out nationalization and hostility against west countries, the New Order regime made important decision to change Indonesia economic direction from etatism system to free market economy. A set of policies were taken in order private sector could play major role in economic. However, when another economic sectors were reformed substantially, effords to reform the State Owned Enterprises had failed. The State Owned Enterprise, in fact, remained to play dominant role like early years of guided democracy era. Role of the State Owned Enterprises was more and more powerfull). The main problem of reforms finally lied on reality that vested interest of bureaucrats (civil or military) was so large that could’nt been overcome. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aniela Dylus

Aniela Dylus, Związek wolnego rynku z dyktaturą polityczną: przejściowy czy trwały? Przykład Chin [The relation between free market economy and political dictatorship – is it of temporary or permanent nature? The example of China] edited by W. Banach, M.A. Michalski, J. Sójka, „Człowiek i Społeczeństwo” vol. XLVI: Między Chinami a Zachodem. Pytanie o źródła chińskiego sukcesu gospodarczego [Between China and the West. An inquiry into the sources of the Chinese economic miracle], Poznań 2018, pp. 103–119, Adam Mickiewicz University. Faculty of Social Sciences Press. ISSN 0239-3271.The relation between free market economy and democracy has been assumed as a paradigm in the western culture since the Enlightenment. However, this paradigm seems to be violated by markets that flourish under the political dictatorship. Are these markets the exceptions to the rule or maybe their scale does not indicate the necessity of paradigm change? Or maybe we are wrong to assume that capitalism flourish mainly in democratic systems? Is it possible that the relation between communist political dictatorship and liberal economy system is only of temporary nature and people that have economical freedom will demand sooner or later their political freedom? To answer these questions, (1) the paradigm of relationship between free market, its prosperity and democracy and (2) the arguments supporting this relationship have been discussed. Referring to Samuel Huntington’s theory, (3) it has been reminded that many factors, not only economical ones, decide about democratization of political life and some exceptions to this rule have been mentioned. (4) The example of contemporary China is one of the most spectacular example. The short characteristic of (5) its economic condition, (6) its economic system and political dictatorship has been presented and then the attempts have been made to give the arguments either for (7) temporary or (8) permanent relationship between free market and political dictatorship in China. Although the idea of democracy, the rule of law and human rights seems not to be the only alternative base of economical market system, it appears to be prevalent and the only one in a longer period.


2016 ◽  
Vol 820 ◽  
pp. 15-20
Author(s):  
Jarmila Husenicova ◽  
Zuzana Dohnanska

Paper deals with urbanization development of Slovakia regarding the rate and degree of urbanization, chances of urban spaces use of cities surroundings as consider to land rent, approximation of territorial development legislation to the free market economy conditions, regional visions creations new methods and inevitable need of territorial information systems deepening and automation.


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